Libmonster ID: JP-1235
Author(s) of the publication: A. A. BATAKOVA


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Keywords: Japan-South Korea relations, problems of the historical past, "comfort women", "comfort stations", Shinzo Abe, Park Geun-hye

The issue of" comfort women", namely the issue of recognizing Tokyo's legal responsibility for women who worked in" comfort stations " - brothels created in places of deployment of Japanese troops before and during World War II, especially in the territories occupied by Japan, and served Japanese soldiers and officers, occupies a special place one of the so-called problems of Japan's historical past.

This topic has gained a broad international dimension, going beyond bilateral issues, it is periodically raised at various UN platforms where they deal with human rights issues, and is widely discussed in scientific and academic circles. South Korean and international non-governmental organizations actively advocate for the protection of former "comfort women". Even though this year marks exactly 50 years since the normalization of relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea (ROK), the issue of "comfort women" continues to be a serious obstacle to a full-fledged political dialogue between the two countries, creating an unfavorable background in their relations.


Due to the significant politicization of the issue of "comfort women", there are still many controversial issues. Most Japanese and foreign historians, such as E. Yoshimi, H. Hayashi, or the Korean-born American researcher So Chung-hee (Sarah So), tend to believe that the approximate number of" comfort women " varies from 50 to 200 thousand people. They were mostly representatives of Japan, the Korean Peninsula, China, the Philippines, Indonesia, Thailand, British Malaya and Burma, New Guinea, and French Indochina. Women were often brought to work in army brothels against their will or under the pretext of providing work; there were cases of their daughters being sold by their parents.1

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In the documents of that time, the creation of" comfort stations " was explained by the need to contain the growth of anti-Japanese sentiment in the occupied territories, which arose as a result of mass rapes of local women by Japanese soldiers, to prevent the spread of sexually transmitted diseases among soldiers, and to exclude the possibility of espionage. The first "comfort station" was established in Shanghai in 1932, and the system as a whole lasted until the end of World War II.2

The issue of Tokyo's responsibility for women forced to work in brothels under the Imperial Japanese Army, most of whom, as is generally believed, were residents of the Korean peninsula, has long remained in the shadows. It was practically not touched upon during the work of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East and the preparation of the San Francisco Peace Treaty.3 During the negotiations on the normalization of relations with Japan (1951-1965), the Government of the Republic of Korea, counting on cheap Japanese loans and gratuitous financial assistance, promised to undertake obligations to pay compensation to individual South Korean citizens, refusing such demands to Tokyo.4

Here, however, it should be noted that at that time the problem of "comfort women" was not at all on the agenda of bilateral relations between Japan and the Republic of Kazakhstan: until the early 1990s, former "comfort women" hid their past, fearing public condemnation in their homeland, and the problem was discussed only in scientific and academic circles. Therefore, during the negotiations on the normalization of relations between the two countries, the issue of individual compensation was mainly related to claims for monetary compensation for forced labor and military service of Koreans during World War II, and the problem of "comfort women", apparently, was not even raised. This allowed Tokyo to claim in the future that all questions about the payment of compensation with Seoul have been resolved.

The problem became widely publicized only at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, when South Korean women's non-governmental organizations began to demand an official apology from Tokyo and state compensation for the surviving "comfort women".

In August 1991, Korean Kim Hak Sun was the first to publicly testify that she was a " comfort woman." In December 1991, 35 South Koreans filed a class action lawsuit against the Japanese government in the Tokyo District Court demanding compensation in the amount of 20 million yen (about $ 160 thousand at the exchange rate at that time). to every surviving "comfort woman". Other similar lawsuits followed. The plaintiffs demanded that Tokyo make an official apology, pay compensation, create memorials, and include issues in the history curriculum.5

The Japanese government, however, did not immediately agree to admit its involvement in the creation of "consolation stations", citing the lack of official documents confirming this. 6 In this regard, a publication in the Japanese liberal newspaper Asahi on January 11, 1992 about what the Japanese historian Yoshimi Yoshiaki found in the library of the Japanese National Research Institute caused a wide response. in the field of defense, evidence to the contrary*. On January 13, 1992, a statement issued by the Japanese Cabinet Secretary General, K. Kato, acknowledged that the former Imperial Army had been involved in the creation of "comfort stations" in "some forms", and promised to continue investigating the facts of the case.7 During a visit to Seoul on January 17, 1992, Miyazawa apologized for the "unbearable pain and suffering of the people of the Korean Peninsula", including "comfort women" .8

After studying official documents and materials stored in the archives of Japanese ministries and departments, as well as in the parliamentary library, Tokyo recognized Japan's involvement in the creation and management of "comfort stations", as well as control over those who recruited women to work for them9.

The next important step on the way to solving the problem was the statement of the General Secretary of the Cabinet of Ministers Ye. Kono, made on August 4, 1993, which, along with acknowledging the direct involvement of the Imperial Japanese Army in the creation of "comfort stations", noted that" often " the recruitment of women was carried out "against their will", and also expressed the intention to teach history in Japanese educational institutions accordingly and encourage research on this topic 10.

Apologies to Ye. Kono, were highly appreciated by the South Korean side (up to assurances that Seoul will no longer consider the issue of "comfort women" as a "diplomatic problem")11. Application form E. Kono became the starting point for mentioning the question of "comfort women" in Japanese textbooks, and by 1997 most school history materials included this question. All subsequent Japanese administrations have expressed their intention to adhere to the substance of this statement.

However, Tokyo was still unwilling to accept legal responsibility for the issue of "comfort women" and refused to discuss the issue of individual compensation, referring to the 1965 bilateral Japan-South Korea agreement on the settlement of Property and compensation Issues, and

* Subsequently, conservative forces in Japan accused the newspaper of deliberately publishing this article in advance of Prime Minister Miyazawa's visit to the Republic of Korea in order to politicize the issue of" comfort women " (author's note).

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on economic cooperation. This position of the Government was subsequently supported by the Supreme Court of Japan, which on November 29, 2004 recognized the lower court's decision to reject the claim filed in December 1991 by South Korean citizens, arguing that after the conclusion of the 1965 agreement, the former "comfort women"lost the right to claim compensation from the Japanese government. 12

At the same time, Tokyo expressed its readiness to recognize its "moral responsibility" to the victims. In July 1995, the Japanese Government, now headed by Socialist Party leader Murayama Tomiichi, established the Asian National Women's Peace Fund (officially known as the Asian Women's Fund) to express "the remorse of the Japanese people" for the former "comfort women".13

The main activities of the Foundation were: payment of monetary compensation to each surviving "comfort woman" in the amount of 2 million yen, accompanied by a letter on behalf of the Prime Minister of Japan; implementation of individual medical and social programs (for the South Korean direction-in the amount of 3 million yen); collection of archival documents and materials about "comfort women" for conducting research. further research, as well as organizing events dedicated to contemporary issues of violence against women.

The President of the Foundation was appointed by the Government of Japan (in 2000-2007 it was, in particular, former Prime Minister T. Murayama). The Foundation's management team included former politicians and officials, representatives of trade unions and academia, journalists, and lawyers.

As a result of its activities, 61 former "comfort women" (out of 237 officially registered) received Japanese financial assistance in the South Korean direction, and in 2002 the Fund's work in this direction was completed.

However, the work of the Asian National Women's Peace Foundation has received mixed reviews.14 Tokyo has avoided admitting its legal responsibility to "comfort women" by repeatedly emphasizing that the government supports the Foundation only for moral reasons. The letters accompanying the payments on behalf of the Prime Minister of Japan (R. Hashimoto, K. Obuchi, and J. Koizumi, respectively) did not contain words about Japan's military aggression, which is what the activists of the compensation movement would like to see in it15.

Those who demanded state compensation from Japan were also not satisfied: monetary compensation for former "comfort women" was formed from private donations from Japanese citizens who contributed about 448 million yen (more than $5 million at the exchange rate of that time)between 1995 and 200016.As a result, the creation of the Foundation was perceived by many as an attempt by Tokyo to evade international legal responsibility and, thus, did not solve the problem of "comfort women", at least in the South Korean direction.

In the future, the position of Tokyo did not change in principle, and, in general, it is as follows: "the Japanese government recalls with great pain the participation of" comfort women" who have suffered immeasurable torments and sufferings, "but at the same time, believing that the problem"should not be politicized or turned into a diplomatic issue." The Government is ready to make efforts only to resolve the humanitarian aspect of the problem, while the issue of compensation for damage has already been resolved by legally relevant bilateral agreements.17

In contrast to Tokyo's position, the official Seoul believes that the problem of" comfort women " was not resolved by the agreement of 1965,18 and insists on Japan's recognition of legal responsibility "in relation to victims of sexual slavery in the Japanese army", calling for "to offer as soon as possible a solution to the problem acceptable to the victims and based on sincere remorse." for the mistakes of the past " 19.

An interagency meeting held in Seoul in January 1992 decided that victims had the right to claim compensation from the Government of Japan, since new documentary evidence had been discovered since the agreement was concluded, which meant that the situation had changed significantly.20

For its part, the official Seoul decided not to demand compensation from Tokyo, calling instead to find and study the documents stored in the archives and make public the results of the study. Kim Yong-sam, who became President of South Korea in 1993, proclaimed strengthening ties with Japan and the United States21 as the main directions of his foreign policy and, apparently, did not want to focus on the problem of "comfort women".

At the same time, taking into account the mood of South Korean society, he promised to build relations with Japan "from a position of moral superiority".22. At the same time, the Government of the Republic of Kazakhstan decided to allocate funds from the budget to pay former "comfort women" 5 million won each. $6.25 thousand), provide them with free medical care and help cover their living expenses 23.At the same time, Seoul supported the activities of non-governmental and women's organizations that defended the rights of former "comfort women"24.

Subsequent administrations in South Korea have generally continued this line, but the focus on the issue has gradually shifted from a two-pronged perspective on issues of the colonial past to a broader and more universal one on the protection of human rights in general and women's rights in armed conflicts in particular. Already in 1998, President Dae-jung, in an interview with the Yomiuri Shimbun newspaper, noted that the issue of" comfort women " goes beyond the scope of a bilateral agreement

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1965 and is a violation of human rights 25.

Currently, Seoul operates through relevant UN agencies, including the UN Human Rights Council (HRC). Through his efforts, the 2012 report of the UNHRC Universal periodic review working group on Japan included recommendations to the Government of Japan to recognize legal responsibility for the problem of "comfort women"and to take appropriate measures acceptable to victims. 26

Seoul's tough stance is supported by the decision taken in the summer of 2011 by the Constitutional Court of South Korea, which recognized the inaction of the South Korean government in the issue of" comfort women " as not in accordance with the Basic Law of the country.

The ROK Government's room for maneuver is also narrowing due to the sensitivity of this issue in the eyes of the South Korean public. Here it is necessary to note the great role of South Korean non-governmental organizations in raising the problem of "comfort women" in relations with Tokyo. Since 1992, they have held demonstrations every Wednesday outside the Japanese Embassy in Seoul, and in 2011, a monument to the "comfort woman"was erected in front of the embassy building. In addition, civil society activists conducted fundraising campaigns for surviving "comfort women" to make them refuse to accept financial compensation from the Japanese Asian National Peace Fund for Women.27

Non-governmental organizations also actively work through the UN mechanisms in the field of human rights. As early as March 1992, the Korean Council for Women Forced into Sexual Slavery by Japan in the military, in order to put pressure on Tokyo, asked the UN Commission on Human Rights (now the UN Human Rights Council) to investigate the problem of "comfort women".28

As a result of the work of public and governmental circles in South Korea, the issue of the Japanese Government's responsibility towards "comfort women" has already been addressed in such UN structures as the Human Rights Committee (for example, in the 2008 and 2014 reports), the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (2001 and 2013 reports), the Committee on the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (reports of 1994, 2003 and 2009), the Committee against Torture (reports of 2007 and 2013), as well as in the framework of the universal periodic reviews of the UN Human Rights Council (for 2008 and 2012)29.


The current stage of relations between Japan and South Korea is characterized by another aggravation of disputes around the problem of "comfort women". Shinzo Abe, a right-wing conservative politician who re-assumed the post of Prime Minister in December 2012, is making efforts to turn Japan into a "normal state", including the intention to revise the 9th, so-called "peaceful", article of the constitution declaring Japan's renunciation of war. These steps are accompanied by an increase in nationalist rhetoric designed to revive Japanese pride in their country and abandon the "self-deprecating" view of its history.

In line with this policy, there are also attempts to abandon Tokyo's previous view of the problem of "comfort women". During his first term as Prime Minister (2006-2007), Shinzo Abe stated that "there is no evidence of coercion of women", if under coercion it is understood that "representatives of the authorities broke into homes and took women away as kidnappers".30

In September 2012, as chairman of the then-opposition Liberal Democratic Party of Japan (LDPJ), he hinted at the possibility of revising Ye's application. Kono (August 4, 1993-see above) in the event of his re-assumption of the post of Prime Minister. According to representatives of conservative circles in Japan, this statement helped create a negative image abroad of Japan as a country that forced women into sexual slavery during World War II.

After becoming Prime Minister for the second time, Shinzo Abe abandoned the idea of revising Ye's statement. Kono, confirming, like previous Japanese administrations, the intention to adhere to its essence. At a press conference on January 31, 2013, the Secretary General of the Cabinet of Ministers of Japan, Ye. Suga, stated that it was necessary to "consider the issue from a scientific point of view" 31.

The following year, at the initiative of Shinzo Abe's cabinet, a group of experts was established to study the process of drafting the statement. Kono. As a result of its work, a report was published in June 2014, which showed that the text of this statement, including paragraphs about the presence of coercion in the recruitment of women, was drawn up taking into account the wishes of the Korean side, and the statements of former "comfort women" based on it were not verified in any way.32 Apparently, in Tokyo, they tried to show that the statement of Ye. Kono is not based on real facts, but is a purely political product.

Seoul's reaction was predictable: the South Korean Foreign Ministry expressed "deep regret", saying it " contradicts the Japanese government's promises to adhere to Ye's statement." Kono" and "undermines his authority" 33.

Regular scandals due to incorrect statements by Japanese public and political figures on the issue of "comfort women"do not contribute to solving the problem. One of the most resonant ones in recent times is the statement of the co - chairman of the Japanese Renaissance Party T. Hashimoto about the need for the existence of "comfort stations" in wartime conditions and the statement of the president of the largest Japanese television and radio company "N-H-K" K. Momiya that "comfort women" were in many countries.

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all the warring countries, and it is unfair to criticize only Japan in this regard.

It is also worth noting the scandal surrounding the Asahi newspaper, which lasted about six months, after in August 2014 the newspaper admitted to the presence of false data in a number of articles published in 1982-1997 and containing references to the words of a Japanese citizen S. Yoshida, who claimed that he personally recruited women from Jeju Island in South Korea for brothels created under the Imperial Japanese Army.

Against this background, calls for revising Kono's statement and correcting relevant paragraphs in Japanese history textbooks increased in Japan, and the ruling LDPJ voted in favor of publishing a new statement on behalf of the General Secretary of the Cabinet of Ministers on the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II (this proposal was made by former chairman of the Political Council S. Takaichi).

For her part, the current President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, Park Geun-hye, takes a tough stance on the problem of "comfort women" and makes progress in its solution a condition for organizing a summit with Prime Minister S. Abe (for two and a half years of the current administrations in power in Japan and South Korea, only one meeting of the leaders of the two countries took place: "on the sidelines" of the Nuclear Security Summit in The Hague in March 2014, with the mediation and participation of the United States).

At the same time, Seoul continues to actively promote women's issues outside the framework of bilateral relations with Japan, criticizing Tokyo's position on various international platforms, including the UN, and during foreign meetings. In particular, such criticism was voiced during Park Geun-hye's European tour in November 2013, her trips to the United States in May 2013 and Beijing in June 2013, as well as during the visit of Chinese President Xi Jinping to Seoul in July 2014. In the annex to the Joint Statement on the results of the visit of the Head of the People's Republic of China, an agreement was made to conduct joint research on the issue of "comfort women"34.

On March 11, 2013, the delegation of the Republic of Korea, which participated in the work of the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, raised the issue of Japan's legal responsibility towards "comfort women" 35. A year later, on March 5, 2014, this issue was raised by the South Korean delegation at a meeting of the Human Rights Council. UN Human Rights Watch. Then the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade of the Republic of Korea, Yun Byung-se, for the first time directly criticized Tokyo's attempts to revise the statement. Kono, emphasizing that the problem of" comfort women " is on a par with other human rights violations 36.

Such a political background could not but affect other areas of relations between the two countries. Public opinion polls conducted in 2014 showed a sharp deterioration in Japanese attitudes towards South Korea and vice versa. 87% of Japanese and 86% of Koreans rated bilateral relations as "bad". The level of Japanese distrust of South Korea rose to 73%, an increase of 18 positions compared to 2013, and remained at a high level among South Koreans in relation to Japan (83%) 37.

On the other hand, the sides are trying to limit the negative impact of the issue of "comfort women" on bilateral relations. Apparently, the prevailing view is that it is necessary to separate the so-called "historical past" issues from practical areas of cooperation, such as trade and investment, human exchanges, culture, as well as issues of mutual interest, such as the Korean Peninsula nuclear issue.

Adhering to the principled position regarding the holding of the summit, Seoul does not abandon the dialogue at a lower level. The Foreign Ministers of the two countries met four times (at the opening of the UN General Assembly session in New York in September 2013 and 2014, as well as on the sidelines of the ASEAN ministerial events in Brunei in July 2013 and Myanmar in August 2014). In January 2015, the Special Representatives of Japan, South Korea and the United States met with each other. South Korea and the United States at the six-party talks on North Korean issues, the next round of bilateral strategic dialogue at the level of first deputy foreign ministers was held in October 2014. In March 2015, the Japan - Republic of Korea - China trilateral dialogue at the level of Foreign Ministers resumed.

In April 2014, on the eve of the visit of the US President Boris Johnson to the United States. After the Obama Administration's visits to Japan and South Korea, Tokyo and Seoul began consultations at the level of directors of foreign policy departments to discuss problematic aspects of bilateral relations, including "comfort women". However, after seven rounds of consultations, the positions of the parties were not brought closer together.

The efforts of Tokyo and Seoul to find common ground are marked by the influence of Washington, which is trying to play a mediating role between its main allies in East Asia. Further aggravation of relations between Japan and South Korea on the basis of "problems of the historical past"does not meet the interests of the United States. At a press conference during his visit to Seoul, just after Tokyo, Barack Obama described the issue of "comfort women" as a "blatant violation of human rights", but at the same time called on Seoul to act pragmatically, based on the existing common interests and security threats with Tokyo.38

However, at the moment, the possibilities of getting out of this difficult situation are not yet visible. According to Japanese press reports, the previous administration of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), headed by Prime Minister Ye. Noda, was looking for solutions to the problem of "comfort women". At that time, the possibility of writing a new letter from the ime was being considered-

page 43

neither the Prime Minister of Japan addressed former "comfort women" (including with the phrase "clearly feeling the responsibility of the government" 39), the Prime Minister's expression of readiness to make further efforts to finally resolve the problem, to help former "comfort women"from the state budget as a humanitarian measure 40. However, this option was not implemented due to the dissolution of the Japanese Parliament in November 2012 and the subsequent victory of the LDP in the general elections.

The current administration in Tokyo, considering the issue settled and considering the issue of "comfort women" rather through the prism of its impact on the perception of Japan abroad, intends to strengthen awareness-raising activities to "restore the good name and trust in Japan" and "form a correct view of history based on objective facts" 41. As for the position of Seoul, to solve the problem, it is necessary for the Japanese side to recognize its legal responsibility, apologize on behalf of the Japanese Prime Minister, and make monetary payments to former "comfort women" from budgetary funds.42

Thus, in the year of the 50th anniversary of the normalization of relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea, a tense atmosphere remains. Seoul continues to count on the "wisdom and determination of the Japanese political leadership" to take "concrete actions" to address the issue of "comfort women", which will pave the way for improving bilateral relations and finally holding a summit. Tokyo continues to insist that all issues related to the payment of compensation have already been settled by the relevant bilateral agreement of 1965 and that it is unacceptable to put forward any preconditions for the summit. Thus, the positions of the parties still differ significantly.

1 Japan: Requests for compensation remain unanswered / / Amnesty International -

2 On the Issue of Wartime "Comfort Women". August 4, 1993 -

3 As follows from the materials of the website "Fight for justice", created with the participation of the Japanese Center for Research and Documentation on Japan's military responsibility, among the documentary evidence presented at the Tokyo Tribunal, only in 8 cases there were references to" comfort women " (author's note).

4 Nihon keizai. 17.01.2005 (evening edition), p. 1.

Soh Chunghee Sarah. 5 The Korean "Comfort Women": Movement for Redress. Asian Survey, 1996. Vol. 36, N 12, p. 1233 -

6 Yomiuri shimbun. 11.12.1991, p. 30.

7 Yomiuri shimbun. 14.01.1992, p. 3.

8 Adzia-no naka, sekai-no naka-no nikkan kankei (Speech by Prime Minister of Japan K. Miyazawa on the occasion of his visit to the Republic of Korea: "Japan-South Korea Relations in Asia and the world"). 17.01.1992 -

9 Statement by Chief Cabinet Secretary Koichi Kato on the Issue of the so-called "Wartime Comfort Women" from the Korean Peninsula. July 6, 1992 -

10 Statement by the Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono on the result of the study on the issue of "comfort women". August 4, 1993 -

11 Yomiuri shimbun. 05.08.1993, p. 1.

12 Top court nixes sex slave, Korean vet suit // Japan Times. November 30, 2004 - uit

13 Statement by Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama on the occasion of the establishment of the "Asian Women's Fund". July 1995 -

14 For more information, see: Soh Sarah. Japan's Asian Women's Fund for "Comfort Women" // Pacific Affairs, 2003. Vol. 76, N 2, p. 222. Mode of access -

Soh Sarah. 15 Japan's Responsibility Toward Comfort Women Survivors // JPRI Working Paper No. 77, May 2001 -

16 Ibidem.

17 Views on conclusions and/or recommendations, voluntary commitments and replies presented by the State under review. March 8, 2013 - 14-Add1_en.pdf

18 MOFA Spokesperson's Statement on the Outcome of Japan's Review of the Details Leading to the Drafting of the Kono Statement. June 20, 2014 - ypeID=12&tableName=TYPE_ENGLISH&seqno=313899

19 Ibidem.

20 Yomiuri shimbun, 21.01.1992 (evening edition), p. 2.

21 Yomiuri shimbun, 20.02.1993 (evening edition), p. 3.

22 Yomiuri shimbun, 13.03.1993 (evening edition), p. 1.

Soh Sarah. 23 Japan's Responsibility...

24 Report of the Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences. January 4, 1996 -

25 Yomiuri shimbun. 10.03.1998, p. 8.

26 Report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review. December 14, 2012 - 14_English.PDF

Soh Sarah. 27 Japan's Responsibility...

28 Ibidem.

29 Alternative Report On the issue of Japan's Military Sexual Slavery. Appendix No. 1 Compilation of Recommendations by the UN Human Rights Bodies on the "Comfort Women" Issue. May 2014 - 17435_E.pdf

Hayashi Hirofumi. 30 Disputes in Japan over the Japanese Military "Comfort Women" System and Its Perception in History // The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. Vol. 617, 2008 - http://ann.sagepub.eom/content/617/l/123

31 Mainichi. 01.02.2013, p. 2.

32 Ianfu mondai-o meguru nikkankan-no yaritori-no kei'i: kono danwa sakusei kara adzia dzyosei kikin made (Japan-South Korea cooperation process on the issue of "comfort women": from the drafting of the statement). Kono to the Asian National Peace Foundation for Women). 20.06.2014 - kusho_2.pdf

33 MOFA Spokesperson's Statement...

34 Japan News. 05.07.2014, p. 2.

35 Mainichi. 13.03.2013, p. 8.

36 Sankei shimbun. 06.03.2014, p. 3.

37 Yomiuri shimbun. 07.06.2014, p. 7.

38 Press Conference with President Obama and President Park of the Republic of Korea. April 25, 2014 - nd-president-park-republic-korea

39 Hokkaido shimbun. 25.01.2014, p. 5.

40 Hokkaido shimbun. 13.10.2013, p. 4.

41 Sankei shimbun. 22.10.2014, p. 5.

42 Nihon keizai. 02.03.2014, p. 2.


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