Libmonster ID: JP-1377
Author(s) of the publication: Zubar V. M.

Previously, it was believed that the history of Olbia as an ancient center ends around the middle and third quarter of the third century, although in the second half of the third and beginning of the fourth centuries, a population closely associated with the carriers of the Chernyakhov culture of the Northwestern Black Sea region continued to live on its ruins for some time .1 V. V. Krapivina, following P. O. Karyshkovsky, attributed the death of Olbia to the campaign of the Black Sea barbarians against the Roman provinces and attributed it to 269-270, based on the fact that the finds of Roman coins on the territory of the city were continuous until 270. 2 Later, this conclusion was repeated by the researcher in a monograph and a generalizing article devoted to the main stages of historical development


Latyshev V. V. 1 Issledovaniya ob istorii i gosudarstvennom stroe Olvii [Studies on the History and state Structure of Olvia]. SPb., 1887; Burakov A.V. Kozyrskoe gorodishche rubezha i pervykh stenii nas eri. Kiev, 1976. P. 5; Kryzhitsky S. D. Olvia. Historiographical study of architectural and construction complexes. Киев. 1985. С. 178; Гороховський Е.Л., Зубар В.М., Гаврилюк Н.О. Про пiзню дату деяких античних городищ Ольвiйскоi хори // Археологiя. 1985. N 49. Pp. 36-37; Kryzhitsky S. D., Buiskikh S. B. Burakov A.V., Oreshko V. M. Rural districts of Olvia. Kiev, 1989. pp. 155-156, 162 et al.

Krapivina V. V. 2 K voprosu o zdravke Olvii v II-III vv.n. e. [On the question of the construction of Olbia in the II-III centuries AD]. Kiev, 1984. P. 212; Cf. Karyshkovsky P. O. Iz istorii pozdnoi Olvii [From the history of Late Olvia]. VDI. 1968. N 1. p. 179.

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Olvia 3 . But at the same time, V. V. Krapivina considers it possible to talk about the revival of life on the territory of Olbia (not earlier than the 80s of the third century). Despite a number of evidently Chernyakhovian materials found in Olbia, she asserts that the cultural character of the population of this center at the end of the third and fourth centuries remained antique .4 Thus, V. V. Krapivina identified a new stage in the historical development of Olvia, which covers the last quarter of the third - first half - third quarter of the fourth century. 5

However, the connection of the death of Olbia with the campaign of the barbarians of 269-270 against the Roman provinces and the definition of the culture of the population who lived on the territory of the city at the end of the third and second half of the fourth centuries as ancient raises certain doubts, so it is necessary to once again turn to the analysis of this problem Krapivina's conclusions, which largely determine the correct understanding of not only the final stage in the history of Olbia proper, but also of the entire Northwestern Black Sea region.

Having made a conclusion about two "Gothic" defeats of Olbia, V. V. Krapivina writes, referring to stratigraphic observations, that they are separated from each other by a certain time .6 Leaving aside the question of the so-called first "Gothic" defeat, it is necessary to turn to the author's argument, on the basis of which the conclusion is made about the death of Olbia in 269-270. Unfortunately, this conclusion is based not on the analysis of archaeological material from closed complexes that could be associated with this event, but on the general historical situation, "since it was the movements of barbarian tribes, conventionally called "Scythian" or "Gothic", that determined the situation in the region at that time" 7 . Without denying this basically correct conclusion, it should be emphasized that it is clearly insufficient to date the second "Gothic" defeat of Olbia in 269-270, because the situation in the Northwestern Black Sea region in the third quarter of the third century was more complex.

After the sea campaigns of 255 (256) and 257, when the bulk of the "Scythians" moved to the Caucasus and Trebizond from somewhere in the Bosporus, the peoples of the Danube region began to organize their fleet. Most likely, the impetus for this was the previous campaigns along the eastern coast of Pontus, as a result of which the barbarians captured a huge booty .8 The construction of the fleet for the needs of the campaign of 258,9 probably began in the autumn of 257, and when it was created, the" Scythians "or" Goths " used the knowledge of captives and merchants who were in the area of concentration of their main forces .10 The territory where the fleet was built and the main forces gathered for the campaign, the ancient authors do not indicate, but, based on the general historical situation, A.M. Remennikov quite reasonably believes that this was the mouth of the Dniester. There was a convenient bay located far from the empire's borders, and the experience and resources of Tyra's population11 could also be used . It is difficult to say where the barbarians were concentrated before the campaigns of 262, 263 and 266, but since they were returning back along the Thracian coast, it is probably possible to


Krapivina V. V. 3 Olvia. Materialnaya kul'tura I-IV vv. n.e. Kiev, 1993. p. 153-154; Krizhitsky S. D., Krapivina V. V., Leypunska I. O. Golovni etapi istorichnogo rozvitku Olvii [Material culture of the I-IV centuries A.D. Kiev, 1993. pp. 153-154; Krizhitsky S. D., Krapivina V. V., Leypunska I. O. Golovni etapi istorichnogo rozvitku Olvii]. 1994. N 2. P. 29, 30, 33, 34, 36, 39, 41.

Nettles. 4 Olbia... pp. 88, 156; cf. Krapivina V. Olbia in the Roman Period / / Limes. Bologna, 1994. P. 190-191.

Nettles. 5 Olvia... p. 155-157; Krizhitsky, Krapivina, Leypunska. Uk. soch. p. 39, 41.

Nettles. 6 Olvia... pp. 10-11, 88, 154.

7 Ibid., p. 154.

Zosim. 8 I. 34. 1.

Budanova V. P. 9 Goths in the era of the Great Migration of peoples, Moscow, 1990, pp. 93-94.

Zosim. 10 I. 34. 1.

Remennikov A.M. 11 The struggle of the tribes of the Northern Black Sea region with Rome in the third century A.D. Moscow, 1954, p. 97.

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It is assumed that this time, too, the Dniester estuary and the surrounding territories were used to prepare for the invasion of the Roman Empire .12

If there is very little data on these campaigns of the 60s of the third century, then the situation is different with the campaign of 267-268. According to written sources, the fleet of "heruls" consisting of 500 ships, leaving Meotida, entered the mouth of the Danube. From here, joining forces with the Visigoths and ravaging the surrounding territories, the barbarians moved to the Thracian Bosporus, but after the defeat inflicted on them by the Roman troops, they retreated to Asia Minor, and then sacked the province of Achaia. Later, as a result of a new clash with the Roman army on the border of Macedonia and Thrace, the defeated barbarians left for the Danube 13 . In 269. they attacked the empire again. As before, this campaign started from the Dniester estuary area and was different in scale from all the previous ones, since the" Scythians " and among them the Goths probably intended to move with their families to the territory of the empire .14 But this campaign was not successful either. In 270, the "Scythians" were defeated by Roman troops, after which the situation on the Danube border of the empire gradually began to stabilize 15 .

Based on a brief review of the history of the barbarian invasions of the Roman Empire in the third quarter of the third century, we can conclude that the military and political situation in the Northwestern Black Sea region at that time was quite difficult, which ultimately led not only to the death of Tyra, but also to the end of life in Olbia and on ancient settlements, located on the banks of the Bug estuary 16 . Moreover, it is no great exaggeration to assume that this happened not earlier than the end of the 50s and not later than the mid-60s of the third century. 17 It is doubtful that, by plundering Roman cities in the territory of Roman provinces, the" Scythians " would have left out of the field of their activities small Greek centers that were located in the immediate vicinity of the area of concentration their forces and the population of which could be used in the preparation of campaigns. Based on the above, before the appearance of new data, and first of all a thorough analysis of archaeological material from closed complexes identified on the territory of both Olbia itself and the ancient settlements of its district 18, the specified chronological framework, and not 269-270 , should be considered the time of death not only of ancient Tyra, but also of Olbia.

At the same time, there is still no reliable data that would allow us to talk about the armed seizure of Olbia by barbarians, accompanied by the destruction of the population of this center. During excavations in the layer belonging to the so-called second "Gothic" defeat, unlike earlier times, traces of fires are not traced 19 . This allows us to agree with those researchers who believed that life on the territory of Olbia in the third quarter of the third century gradually faded and the city lost its significance even before the mass campaign of the barbarians in 269-270. 20

It is possible that shortly after 248, due to the withdrawal of the Roman garrison from the city, part of the Greek population left with the soldiers and settled in the Roman provinces or in other places, as was the case after the evacuation of the province of Dacia


12 Ibid., p. 106.

13 For more information, see Remennikov Uk. op. pp. 115-121; Budanova Uk. op. pp. 97-99; Kettenhofen E. Die Einlalle der Heruler ins Romische Reich im 3 Jh. n. Chr. / / Klio. 1992. 74. S. 291-313.

Zosim. 14 I. 34. 1; Remennikov. Uk. op. p. 127; Budanova. Uk. op. p. 99-101.

Budanova street. 15 Uk. soch. p. 100-101.

Kryzhitsky. 16 Olvia... p. 178; Kryzhitsky, Buiskikh et al. Uk. op. s. 155-156; Son N. A. Tyra rimskogo vremeni. Kiev, 1993. pp. 53-54.

17 Ср. Павленко Ю.В., Сон Н.О. Пiзньоантична Tipa та ранньодержавне об еднання вiзiготiв // Археологiя. 1991. N 2. С. 10; Павленко Ю.Н. Передiсторiя давнiх pyciв у свiтовому контекстi. Kiev, 1994. p. 267.

Гороховський, Зубар, Гаврилюк. 18 Uk. soch. p. 25-37; cf. Son P. A. Iz istorii pozdneantichnoi Tyry [From the history of the Late Antique Shooting Gallery]. Antichnaya kul'tura Severnogo Prichernomorya v pervye veka N.E. Kiev, 1986, pp. 142-153.

Nettles. 19 Olvia... p. 11.

2 () Kryzhitsky. Olvia... P. 178; Karyshkovsky P. O. Coins of Olvia. Kiev, 1988, p. 129.

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and after the barbarians captured a number of Bosporan cities 21 . Indirectly, this conclusion is supported by a Latin inscription found in the Tropeum of Trajan (modern times). Adamklissi), with a dedication on behalf of Marcus Nevius Palmus Theotimianus to Jupiter Olviopolitan, who in his functions was close to Zeus Olvius 22 . At present, there is no reason to speak about the deployment of a Roman garrison or military post on the territory of Olbia at the end of the third century. Therefore, with a certain degree of probability, we can assume that the parents of Mark Theotimian left the city in the third quarter of the third century and settled in one of the cities of the Danube region, from where he left for military service, retaining attachment to the paternal gods 23 . Of course, this assumption is nothing more than a hypothesis, but it is in good agreement with the general trends in the historical development of Olbia at the final stage of its existence as an ancient center.

It is now established on the basis of stratigraphic observations and numismatic finds that life on the territory of Olbia resumed not earlier than the 80s of the third century, and the building remains of the end of the third - first half of the fourth century are clearly separated from the earlier 24 . At the same time, describing the materials of the end of the third and first half of the fourth centuries, V. V. Krapivina insistently emphasizes that despite the economic decline, "on the whole, ancient traditions in the construction and material culture of Olbia are preserved" 25 . The point of view of B. V. Magomedov and other researchers 26 that the territory of Olbia was occupied by the carriers of the Chernyakhov culture is recognized by her as unsubstantiated 27 .

In order to understand this question, it is obviously necessary to analyze the archaeological materials of the end of the third and first half of the fourth centuries obtained during the excavations of Olbia. S. D. Kryzhitsky wrote that the construction remains and materials of the end of the third and fourth centuries were recorded on the territory of the southern third of the former Upper City (the so-called citadel), on the sites of NG, NGC and in the flooded part of the city 28 . In particular, fragments of masonry and rubble of stones have been preserved on the NSC site, which suggest the presence of development by separately located one - and two-chamber small buildings of the second half of the III-beginning of the IV century. 29 However, later V. V. Krapivina pointed out that the layer and construction remains of this time were traced throughout the entire area of Olbia, where they overlap layers II-III centuries, although the material of the late III-first half of the IV century is not numerous, and the layer is significantly damaged by stone sampling in modern times 30 . But despite this, residential buildings of this time are still marked on the R-19 site and at least three construction periods are allocated .31 These houses, according to the researcher, were one-story and had at least 4-6 rooms, often of a very significant area. "The rooms are mostly rectangular in shape, with mud floors and hearths, sometimes mud-stone stoves and stone fences. It is typical to use limestone stones of various sizes and shapes in masonry, in some places with raw kir-


Kruglikova I. T. 21 Dacia in the era of Roman occupation, Moscow, 1955, p. 162; Danshin D. I. Tanaites and Tapais in the II-III centuries AD. 1990. 197. pp. 55-56.

Karyshkovsky. 22 From the history of late Olbia, pp. 168 - 179; compare Rusyaeva A. S. Religion and cults of ancient Olbia. Kiev, 1992. pp. 62-65.

23 Wed. Krapivina. Olvia... p. 155.

Kryzhitsky. 24 Olvia... p. 168; Krapivina. Olvia... p. 11, 14.

Nettles. 25 Olvia... p. 88; cf. pp. 41-42, 156.

Magomedov B. V. 26 Olvia and Chernyakhovskaya kul'tura [Olvia and Chernyakhovskaya culture]. Parutino, 1985. pp. 47-49; onk. Chernyakhovskaya culture of the North-Western Black Sea region. Kiev, 1987. p. 15; cf. Kryzhitsky. Olvia... p. 178; Kryzhitsky. Buiskikh et al. Uk. op. p. 210.

Nettles. 27 Olvia... p. 156.

Kryzhitsky. 28 Olvia... p. 167.

29 Ibid., pp. 142-143; Leypunskaya N. A. Predmestye pervykh vekov N.E. v Nizhni gorod Olvii [The suburb of the first centuries of our era in the Lower city of Olbia]. Kiev, 1988. P. 78; Krapivina. Olvia... p. 87.

Nettles. 30 Olvia... pp. 11-12.

31 Ibid., p. 41.

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picami... Masonry is mostly ordinary, with elements of irregularity, one - or two-layer, bedded or orthostatic-bedded, stacked on clay mortar " 32 . If we compare all this with the features of housing construction that are characteristic of the Chernyakhovsky settlements of the North-Western Black Sea region, then quite close parallels immediately catch our eye. Both in Olbia and in the Chernyakhovsky settlements, limestone and mud bricks were used in construction; masonry made in the same technique; rectangular rooms predominate, in which the presence of stone fences was noted, which probably served as feeders for livestock. 33 Therefore, at present, it is probably impossible to speak about the preservation of ancient traditions in Olbia , but rather about the preservation of ancient traditions in Olbia. It should be emphasized that these features are characteristic of all the monuments studied in Nizhny Pobuzhye at the time under review34 . At the same time, it should also be emphasized that the construction equipment of the end of the III - first half of the IV century differs quite clearly from the earlier one: II-first half of the III century. 35

However, now we can talk not only about the degradation of construction equipment at the end of the III-first half of the IV century, but also about other significant changes characteristic of the development of this time. V. V. Krapivina writes that "the upper layer contains remnants of industrial and economic nature, metalworking workshops, a large number of hearths, furnaces, fences, pits located on the site of former monumental buildings. The planning grid of the upper layer remains is shifted and rotated relative to the previous layer " 36 .

Indeed, if in the first and first half of the third century industrial complexes were located to the north of the defensive wall 37, then two metalworking workshops of the end of the third and first half of the fourth century were opened on the territory of the central part of the so-called citadel. Moreover, it is interesting that during the study of one workshop, 38 unburned clay figurines were found, which most likely indicate the non-Greek ethnicity of the population engaged in craft activities at that time. In connection with the above, it should also be noted that a number of burials of the final stage of Olbia's history have recently been discovered on the territory of the Olbia hillfort 39 . Unfortunately, they have not yet been published, but the presence of graves on the territory of the proposed residential development is very significant and can be considered as one of the most convincing evidence in favor of the conclusion about population change.

Changes in the location of industrial and economic complexes at the end of the third and first half of the fourth centuries in comparison with the previous time, the presence of a significant number of pits on the territory of the settlement, and in the houses - fences-feeders, suggest that in the economy of Olbia of this time, as well as in the settlements of the Chernyakhovskaya culture of the North-Western Black Sea region 40, natural economy reigned supreme 41 . This is confirmed by the insignificant number of coins found during the excavations. According to P. O. Karyshkovsky, only 11 coins were found in Olbia, which date back to the chronological period


32 Ibid., p. 42.

Magomedov. 33 Chernyakhovskaya kul'tura ... p. 17, 19, 23-25; on. Kamenka-Anchekrak. Settlement of Chernyakhovskaya culture. Kiev, 1991. pp. 9, 10, 13.

Kryzhitsky, Buiskikh et al . 34 Uk. soch. p. 183.

Kryzhitsky. 35 Olvia... p. 168.

Nettles. 36 Olvia... p. 15, cf. 88.

37 Ibid., p. 8, 51-64, 68, 71, 88.

Farmakovsky B. V. 38 Excavations in Olvia / / OAK for 1906. SPb., 1909. pp. 5-6. Fig. 2, 3; Shtitelman F. M. Excavations of the workshop for metal processing in Olvia / / KSIA AS of the Ukrainian SSR. 1955. Issue 4. pp. 62-63; Krapivina. Olvia... p. 35, 65-67.

Papanova V. A. 39 Necropolis Olvii (istorichna topografiya ta pokhvalnii obryad): Avtoref. dis. ... kand. ist. nauk [Olvii Necropolis (historical topography and anvil ritual)]. Kiev, 1994. p. 10.

Magomedov. 40 Chernyakhovskaya kul'tura ... p. 79.

Nettles. 41 Olvia... p. 157.

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between 284 and 378 AD 42, while, for example, 150 coins of this time were found in Istria 43 . This supports the conclusion that not only in internal trade, but also in economic relations with the Roman provinces, where products in amphorae and other ancient imports came from , 44 the coin was practically not used, and natural exchange prevailed. This, along with other noted phenomena, indicates a fairly close level of economic development of the population that lived in the late third and first half of the fourth centuries on the territory of Olbia and the settlements of the Chernyakhovsky appearance of the Northwestern Black Sea region45 .

From all that has been said, it can be concluded that the period of the end of the third and first half of the fourth centuries cannot be considered as the final stage of the ancient history of Olbia. In the course of the" Gothic " wars, ancient Olbia, as well as Tyra, ceases to exist. In the 80s of the third century, life on the territory of Olbia was revived, but the bulk of the inhabitants here now came from the Chernyakhov population of the North-Western Black Sea region, genetically unrelated to the population of the ancient city of the first half of the third century. 46 In addition to changes in the nature of development and economic activity of the population, this can also be said on the basis of finds in Olvia fragments of three-handed vases, bone ridges, and fibulae typical of the Chernyakhovskaya culture area 47 . Very significant in this respect is the discovery in Olbia of the stater Fofors (287-48), who could have come here together with the barbarians who participated in the campaigns from the Bosporus territory.

It should also be noted that the revival of life on the territory of Olbia chronologically coincides with the flourishing of the Chernyakhov culture, in particular its Black Sea version, as well as a significant increase in the number of Chernyakhov settlements in the North-Western Black Sea region49 . Moreover, a number of characteristic features of the culture traced in the Chernyakhovsky settlements and burial grounds of the region suggest that some part of the population of Tira and Olbia contributed to the formation of this culture .50

The appearance of numerous undefended Chernyakhov settlements in the Northwestern Black Sea region and the increase in population here became possible due to changes in the nature of the empire's relations with the barbarians north of the Danube. If before the turn of the 60s-70s of the III century. These relations were characterized by armed conflicts, and after 269-270 the Roman administration began to settle a part of the "Scythians " or" Goths " along the right bank of the Danube, which significantly weakened the pressure on the empire's borders from the north. 51 The settlement of the barbarians was accompanied by the conclusion of treaties with them, as a result of which they became allies (symmacharii) of the Romans .52 This, on the one hand, contributed to the strengthening of the Lower Mesian Limes, and on the other, led to the involvement of the overwhelming mass of the barbarian population of the Northwestern Black Sea region in diverse economic ties with the Roman provinces, as evidenced by the finds of ancient imports of the second half of the century


Karyshkovsky. 42 Coins of Olbia. p. 129.

43 Ibid., p. 130.

Magomedov. 44 Chernyakhovskaya kul'tura [Chernyakhovskaya culture], pp. 76-86.

45 Ibid., pp. 91-93.

46 Wed. Kryzhitsky. Olvia... p. 168.

Magomedov. 47 Olvia... pp. 47-48; same name. Chernyakhovskaya kul'tura... p. 15, 51; cf. Kryzhitsky, Buiskikh et al. Uk. soch. p. 197-198.

Karyshkovsky P. O. 48 Olvia and Bosporus according to numismatic data / / KS OAM for 1963. Odessa, 1964. pp. 144-145.

Баран В.Д. 49 Черняхiвська культура (за матерiалами Верхнього Днiстра i Захiдного Бугу). Kiev, 1981. pp. 163-164; Magomedov. Chernyakhovskaya kul'tura [Chernyakhovskaya culture], pp. 89-93.

Magomedov. 50 Olvia... p. 49; same name. Chernyakhovskaya kul'tura [Chernyakhovskaya culture], p. 91.

51 For more information, see Budanova, UK. op. p. 100-101.

Cataniciu I.В. 52 Evolution of the System of Defence Works in Roman Dacia. Oxf., 1981. P. 55.

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III-IV centuries. not only on the territory of Olbia and Tira 53, but also on the vast majority of Chernyakhovsky settlements in the region 54 .

The stabilization of the military-political situation on the Danube border of the empire, which began with the reign of Emperor Aurelian (270 - 275), the increase in the number of Chernyakhov settlements, the presence in the upper layers of Tyra and Olbia of materials indicating the presence of a Chernyakhov settlement here, allow us to agree with those researchers who believe that these former ancient centers at the end of the-IV c. were included in the vast barbarian confederation that was formed in the North-Western Black Sea region in the last third of the III c. 55 Moreover, if Tyra can be considered as the political and redistributive center of this early-class barbarian state formation, 56 then Olbia of this time can presumably be defined as a more or less large craft settlement. The presence of two metalworking workshops in Olbia at the end of the third and first half of the fourth centuries, which were discussed above, suggests that their products were marketed by the Chernyakhov population of the Northwestern Black Sea region, where no traces of iron production have been found to date .57

In conclusion, it should be emphasized once again that at present the period of the end of the third and first half of the fourth centuries cannot be considered as the final stage of the ancient history of Olbia, which is genetically related to the previous Roman period. Despite the small number and inexpressiveness of materials from the end of the third and first half of the fourth centuries, there is now enough data to identify the settlement that emerged on the ruins of an ancient city as one of the settlements belonging to the Chernyakhov culture of the Northwestern Black Sea region. At the same time, it is interesting that at the end of the third and first half of the fourth centuries, as before, there is a commonality of historical destinies of Tyra and Olbia, which makes it legitimate to include them in one historical and geographical region58 and allows us to consider the historical development of these centers in close relationship up to the very end of the ancient era.

ON THE LATEST PERIOD OF THE ANCIENT HISTORY OF OLBIA

(The 3rd quarter of the 3rd c. - the 1st quarter of the 4th c.)

V. M. Zuhar'

The author maintains that the period in question cannot be regarded as the last period of the history of ancient Olbia, connected genetically with the preceding time. In spite of the fact that the excavation material from Olbia of late 3rd - the 1st half of the 4th c. is scarce and not informative, these data are sufficient to connect the settlement which sprang up on the mins of the ancient city with the area of Chernyakhov culture in north-west Black Sea Region. (The population of Chernyakhov culture had been united in an early class polyethnic state community.) It must be noted that in late 3rd - the 1st half of the 4th c. one can see parallelism in the historical fate of Tyras and Olbia, which makes it reasonable to consider them two centres of one historico- geographical region.


Nettles. 53 Olvia... p. 157; Son. Tira... pp. 57-58.

Magomedov. 54 Chernyakhovskaya kul'tura [Chernyakhovskaya culture], pp. 76-86. Unfortunately, a comparative analysis of the ancient imports that arrived at the end of the third and fourth centuries, on the one hand, to Tyra and Olbia, and on the other-to the Chernyakhov population of the Northwestern Black Sea region, has not yet been carried out, which could give very interesting results.

55 See Shchukin M. B. Sovremennoe sostoyanie gotskoi problemy i chernyakhovskaya kul'tura [Current state of the Gotha problem and Chernyakhovskaya culture]. At the turn of the Era. St. Petersburg, 1994. pp. 244-249, 288. Fig. 101; Pavlenko. Uk. soch. p. 272.

56 For more information, see Pavlenko, Son. Uk. op. p. 6-16; Son. Tira... p. 54-59.

Magomedov. 57 Chernyakhovskaya kultura... P. 70. It would be extremely useful to conduct a metallographic analysis of iron products found in the workshop excavated by F. M. Shtitelman, and iron objects from the Chernyakhovsky settlements of the North-Western Black Sea region.

58 See Brashinsky I. B. Opyt ekonomiko-geograficheskogo zoning of the ancient Black Sea region / / VDI. 1970. N 2. pp. 133-137; Shelov D. B. Zapadnoe i Severnoe Prichernomorye v antichnuyu epokhu // Antichnoe obshchestvo, Moscow, 1967, p. 70; Marchenko K. K. Severo - Zapadnoe Prichernomorie antichnoi epokhi (istoriko-geografichskoe opredelenie) [North-Western Black Sea region of the ancient Era (historical and geographical definition)].


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