The article is devoted to the traditional diet of Russian peasants in Siberia, which included many-and one-day fasts, which included restrictions in the daily diet, partial or complete fasting during the calendar year. The everyday table of Siberian peasants retained both the features inherent in Russian cuisine in general, and local food features. It is significant that in the folk cuisine of Siberians, along with well-known dishes (fish soup, dumplings, pies), wild plants occupied an important place. Fasting was observed even in harsh climatic conditions, for example, in Yakutia, in places of detention on Sakhalin. The posts were associated with field work, as well as latrines and non-agricultural activities of peasants. Even children were taught to fast from early childhood. The importance of fasting lay not only in the rejection of a certain set of dishes, but also in the strengthening of morals, the education of many positive qualities, etc.Attracting a wide range of sources, the author shows the great role of fasting in the life of Siberian peasants.

Keywords: Russian people, Siberian peasants, traditional food, material culture, fasting.

Since the adoption of Christianity, the food of Russians during the year was clearly divided into fast days, when it was forbidden to eat skoromnoe - meat, dairy and other animal products (and on some days, fish), and meat - eater-days when the composition of the food consumed was not limited. To better understand the place of one - and multi-day fasts (Veliky, Petrov, Uspensky, Rozhdestvensky) in the life of the Russian people, it is enough to recall that most of the year - 200 out of 365/6 calendar days-fell on fasts and the diet was dominated by lenten dishes. The fasts were timed to coincide with certain Christian holidays.

The practice of abstaining from eating a certain type of food has always been in the circle of problems of Russian science related to the study of religious manifestations: "all the peculiarities of the four long fasts, weekly and special fast days with all their local, seasonal, gender-age and, especially, spiritual specifics are a vast field of ethnographic study" [Gromyko, 1996, p. 176 - 177]. Of particular interest is the study of the practice of fasting in various social groups in Russia, so the purpose of the article is to give a brief overview of the features of fasting by Siberian peasants in the XIX century.

The ethnically multicomponent population of Siberia consisted of locals and newcomers. In the first half of the XIX century, the share of Russians actively increased due to immigrants: if in 1795 they made up 69.24% of the total population, then in 1858-up to 76.77%. In some areas of Western Siberia, the majority of people came from the Slavs. For example, in the formation of the population of the Middle Irtysh region, according to the census of 1897, immigrants from almost all provinces of European Russia took part, and the main role in the settlement was played by residents of chernozem provinces. In all districts of the Tobolsk Province, Russians predominated in number (Satlykova, 1983). In the food of the population of the Far East, the food traditions of the inhabitants of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus, who moved here in the 50s of the XIX century, have been preserved.

page 136
Russians, developing vast territories of Siberia, adapted to new living conditions, but kept the traditions of their native places. The peasants observed almost all the rites and customs associated with church institutions, so it is not surprising that" fasts were strictly observed in Siberian villages " [Minenko, 1991, p.192]. "The inhabitants of Krasnoyarsk and Yenisei are especially fond of faith and the church," the governor of Tomsk Province V. Khvostov reported in 1809 about Siberians [1809, p. 6]. N. Popov wrote about the zeal for the church of the peasants of Perm Province at the beginning of the XIX century [1804, p. 227, 338]. Compiler of the geographical and statistical description of Perm Province in the middle of the XIX century. Moselle noted that the local peasant "diligently goes to church on all holidays, performs strictly all Christian rites, govet and communion every year... observes all fasts" [1864, p. 331].

In the 19th century, the words "fast"," fasting"," fasting"," fasting "and their derivatives formed part of the everyday lexicon of Russians. But in different places there were local words and expressions. Russians living in Siberia said "fast", and in other regions more often used the verb "fast". The word "govenie" meant the pious custom of being moderate in food, not eating fast food or even sweet food (usually for at least three days), and visiting the temple. Other derived words are also known: "govelny" - "related to govenya", "govelshchik" or "govelshitsa" - the one who govet; "talk" - there is skoromnoe for the first time after fasting (hence "talk", "talk"). Accordingly, "zagovenye" meant the last day on the eve of Lent, when you can still eat fast food [Dahl, vol. I, 1989, p. 364; vol. III, 1990, p. 345].

The Siberians 'diet was generally pronounced agricultural in nature, which led to the presence of plant-based products in the traditional food ration, especially a lot of bread:" If only rye bread was available , the peasant would not care about anything else " (Potekhin, 1986, pp. 271-272). At the same time, local natural and climatic conditions significantly influenced the nature of nutrition, so the food of the population of the entire region was not the same [Lipinskaya, 1997]. Accordingly, the lenten table of Siberian peasants was also different, which traced the features inherent in Russian cuisine as a whole, as well as local food specifics. The presence of peasants ' own farms greatly facilitated the observance of fasts. The well-known saying "cabbage soup and porridge are our food" quite succinctly characterizes the features of Russian national cuisine. In Siberia, not a single peasant could do without cabbage soup and porridge. The main food during lent was cabbage soup with flour dressing, chowders, dishes made from potatoes, cabbage, peas, beans, lentils, mushrooms with linseed or hemp oil, fish in boiled, fried and baked form, jelly, berries, honey, kvass, and wild plants.

The peasants of Eastern Siberia, as N. S. Shchukin wrote, " observe fasts strictly in the sense of not eating skoromny." Here, potatoes were cultivated in large quantities, which became widespread in Russia from the end of the XVIII century. In the summer, when food was more scarce, wild garlic and bear onion (Allium ursinum L.) were collected along the wooded slopes - a wild plant from the lily family with edible leaves smelling of garlic, which were pounded and, with a little salt, eaten with kvass. The table was supplemented with last year's stocks of potatoes and radishes, salted and dried mushrooms, berries. On holidays, if they fell on a fast and it was possible to eat fish, they baked pies with fish, cooked sherba (fish soup), fried meat from minced fish in oil, made dumplings with fish. They also cooked wheat, pea, and berry jelly (mainly made from sea buckthorn), baked pancakes, fritters, and stuffed dumplings fried in hemp or cedar oil (Shchukin, 1859, p.36, 44, 47; 1990, p. 216).

Many Russians lived in the Yalutorovsky, Turin, Tarsky, Tyumen and Tobolsk districts of the Tobolsk province. M. M. Gromyko, using as a source the answers to the questionnaire of the Russian Geographical Society of the 40s of the XIX century, provides interesting information about how the inhabitants of the steppe region of Eastern Siberia observed fasts. The peasants of Kainsky uyezd prepared millet or egg porridge with hemp or ginger oil (from seeds of Camelina Crantz, an oily plant from the cruciferous family), as well as with fish oil, cabbage soup ("shti") from chopped cabbage with barley groats. They also ate potato soup( potato soup), boiled peas, turnip soup with poppy seeds (turnip soup), turnip or carrot stew with wort (wort is a sweet broth on flour and malt, used as gravy), carrot soup (carrot soup), radish, cabbage, sauerkraut, and drank thick kvass. Kulaga, a mixture of rye flour and malt brewed with boiling water, steamed and aged in the cold, was noted among everyday dishes; among lenten dishes, it was considered a delicacy. The lenten festive table, as a rule, was distinguished by a variety of fish and flour dishes. In the same district, pies were baked with pike, chebak, ide, perch, crucian carp, burbot, tench, and fried fish from the same types of fish. Fish soup (locally called scharbu) was made from ruffs and minnows, or from the same fish that was used in pies. Pancakes and pancakes made from wheat flour were eaten with hemp and ginger oil. Porridge was also part of the holiday treat. The lenten version of the festive one was coming to an end

page 137
enjoy dishes of cranberries, black currants and "hlubniki" in wort. The diet of the peasants of Tarsky uyezd, Minusinsk and Ishim districts was based on the same set of dishes with some additions. A similar picture is formed by the description of the nutrition of the population of the Shushenskaya and Tesinskaya volosts of the Minusinsk district (Gromyko, 1973).

Residents of the Altai Territory, according to V. A. Lipinskaya, ate wild or garden green onions with kvass, grout made from flour, porridge, boiled potatoes, krupy cabbage soup, chatterboxes, pea dishes, bread crumbs with kvass and water, salted mushrooms, cucumbers and cabbage. A local specialty was boiled noodles made from rye dough. During the holidays, fish was fried, pies were baked, sherba was cooked from fresh fish, chowder with dried fish; food was flavored with linseed, hemp, ginger and cedar oil [Lipinskaya, 1987, p. 180, 188].

The lenten diet of peasants living in the southwestern half of Shadrinsky Uyezd, Perm Province, included cold grated radish with onions, potatoes and cucumbers, white cabbage ("gray" cabbage made from green leaves was not used for food), fish pie or mushrooms, thick cabbage soup made from "thick yash" cereals, porridge from the same, but small cereals, fish soup from fresh, and more often from dry fish, turnip boys and dried cherries in wort, sweet pies with poppy seeds, crushed bird cherry, cherries, thick kvass from wort. Soup and chowder with fish, seasoned with vegetable oil, were considered semi-fast dishes. Traditional Siberian "pelnyani" (dumplings) were stuffed with mushrooms and cabbage [Uspensky, 1859, p. 29].

In Verkhotursky Uyezd, " the food consumed daily on fast days is cabbage soup with yak groats, potatoes, turnips, carrots, salted cabbage, and on holidays - fish. In the Irbit district, on fast days, they always ate black or barley bread, soup made from thick barley groats, millet or oatmeal porridge with lean butter, salted cabbage, cucumbers, mushrooms, boiled potatoes, radish with kvass, on holidays on fast days they ate white bread, fish pie, boiled fish, fish stew or potatoes, pea soup, pea jelly with vegetable oil, millet porridge with butter" (Archive of the Russian Geographical Society. P. 29. Op. 1. d. 18. l. 2 vol.; d. 21. l. 1 vol.).

In some Siberian provinces, before Petrovki (the so-called Peter's Fast), as well as before Filippov's fast, they celebrated "egg zagovenie" - they cooked eggs. Petrovki ended with the celebration of the Day of memory of the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul (June 29), which was also called the day of Peter the Fisherman. Veneration of the Apostle Peter as the patron saint of fisheries was accepted in Western and Eastern Siberia (Gromyko, 1975, p. 191). In the Tyumen region, fishermen served a prayer service on the day of the holiday, and in some places it was customary to collect "Peter the Fisherman for a worldly candle", which was placed in the temple (Maksimov, 1994, p. 393). The peasants of the Angara region, sitting down to the festive sherba (fish soup), said: "Peter and Paul! Sit down to eat bread and salt: you have porridge, we have a bowl; you have fish, we have sherba " [Makarenko, 1913, p. 88]. In the villages of Buturlinsky vol. In Altai, on the days of zagovenya, on the eve of Petrov and Christmas Lent, the holidays of "moving out" were celebrated [Minenko, 1991, p. 203].

Of all the days of Holy Week, Great Thursday (Great Four) stood out. According to popular tradition, great importance was attached to Thursday bread. Peasants believed that on Holy Thursday the Lord invisibly blesses even the bread that was baked and served for dinner (Maksimov, 1994, p. 322). A native of S. Ust-Nitsy of the Tyumen region F. Zobnin recalled: "As soon as we get up on Thursday morning , we see that on Bozhnitsa, near the icons, there is a loaf of bread and a large carved wooden salt shaker: this is chetverezhny bread and chetverezhnaya salt" (Zobnin, 1894, p. 40).

It is important that after the end of Lent, the fast food was not started immediately. F. Zobnin recalled that after Christ's Mass, butter first appeared on the table: "We tried to declare that we did not want butter. But the father and mother stood their ground, saying that you need to take a spoonful of butter, otherwise after fasting, the heart will press down. After the butter, they began to break up with milk soup " [Ibid., p. 43].

It is known that farmers saved up dairy products during fasts, which they often sold or exchanged for other food products, which gave considerable economic benefits. This was most often done in Petrov Post. For example, in the village of Ust-Nitsi in the Tyumen region, careful housewives saved cottage cheese for so-called sour milk, sour cream and butter. The longer the Petrovki was, the more profitable it became for the peasant women, because in the time between fasts, neither sour cream nor butter could be accumulated. Since lent fell mainly in June, which was called "low water", the oil was called "low-water". It was considered the best and most benign [Ibid., p. 55]. In Siberia and the Far East, excess milk was frozen on fast days [Argudyaeva, 2001, p. 81].

On the days of fasts, almost all peasants tried to use "lean" dishes - pots, bowls, spoons. It is known that the Semey Trans-Baikal territories were also jealous of dishes and divided them into clean and unclean, lenten and skoromnaya ("molosnaya")dishes [Bolonev, 1984, p. 32].

Children were taught to fast quite early, and the child was fed with mother's milk for three fasts, not counting Filippovsky and Petrov. For example, if

page 138
the baby was born in winter, then two Great and one Assumption were fed, and if in the spring, before the Assumption Fast, then two Assumption lents and one Great were fed. After that, the need to observe fasts was extended to the baby (Archive of the Russian Ethnographic Museum. F. 7. Op. 1. d. 1725. l. 4; d. 583. L. 4 vol.). In the case of peasant women living in the Far East (Amur region, Primorye), as in the case of many Russian women, the interval between childbirth was associated with the custom of breastfeeding the child for "two Great Lents", and sometimes for the entire lactation period [Argudyaeva, 2001, p.196]. The peasants of Western Siberia explained the lack of fast food during Lent to their children by saying that all the milk and butter were burned on Shrovetide bonfires: "They burned everything, now there is no butter, nothing" [Novoselova, 1974, p.40].

Resident of S. Ust-Nits of the Tyumen region F. Zobnin recalled how strictly fasting was observed in their family. On the eve of Easter, each of the children received eggs from their parents - "on shares", and none of them thought to eat them without waiting for the holiday. All the more incomprehensible for the children was their father's story that "he saw' gentlemen 'in the city who' ate meat ' even during Lent "[1894, p.42].

In addition to the obligatory fasts, the time of which was regulated by the charter of the Russian Orthodox Church, some believers voluntarily imposed an additional fast on Monday - "Mondays". "Those who celebrate Mondays," the people said, " will rejoice in the intercession of the Archangel Michael." Residents of Ust-Nitsynskaya Sloboda in the Tyumen region also refrained from eating meat and dairy products on Wednesdays and Fridays, and the elderly also on Mondays (Zobnin, 1898, p.125). Many elderly peasants of the Shadrinsk uyezd faithfully observed the fasts established by the church, as well as on Mondays [Uspensky, 1859, pp. 14-15].

In the Far North of Eastern Siberia, the fast was observed by the inhabitants of the Russian Mouth of the Verkhoyansk district, located on the Indigirka River 80 c. from the Arctic Ocean, in the tundra zone. An important moment in the life of the Indigirans, who lived in a swampy area devoid of vegetation, where frosts in winter reached -50 °C, was the arrival of a priest. This happened only before Easter, so all the necessary trebs - epiphany, wedding (despite the fast) and funeral service-were performed at once. "The priest has a lot of work to do; fasters and their families come from everywhere; they have a good time every year." For women, govenye and goshchenye were the only opportunities to see each other, although men saw each other more often in the fields (Zenzinov, 1913, pp. 176-177).

Bread, coarse and rye flour, brick tea, sugar, wheat or rye crackers were brought from Yakutsk. The main food item was fish-chir, omul, muksun. It was mainly used for cooking fish soup (here the word "sherba" was pronounced with an accent on the last syllable). Fish was also used in dried form (yucola). Pies were baked with fish, but only the rich could afford such pies. Most often, they made toptanniki-pies, in which both the filling and the dough were made only from fish. Round cakes made from mint "celery" were called "telno". From frozen and mint caviar, best of all "celery", barbans were prepared-thick cakes like pancakes and thin large (in the whole pan) pancakes. Sometimes tasteless sweet roots of wild macaroni (macarshino root, snake root (Polygonum Bistorta)) were added to the dough of pancakes and barbans [Dahl, 1989, vol. II, p. 290], which caused them to darken a little. With boiled and pounded macaroni, they also fried "herring navels", this dish was called"macarshi mess". Berries-cloudberry and "dikusha" (a genus of black currant (Ribes)) [Dahl, 1989, vol. I, p. 436] - they were very rare here. In the summer, we collected sorrel and fried it in fish oil. Instead of tea, lingonberries were used, and sometimes they simply drank hot water [Zenzinov, 1913, p. 163-166].V. M. Zenzinov found much in common in the culture of the inhabitants of the Russian Estuary and the inhabitants of the village of Markovo on Anadyr, who, like the Indigirans, observed fasts [Zenzinov, 1914, p. 155].

Residents of the Russian Estuary when fishing were guided by posts. So, the omul course lasted the entire Petrov Lent until Petrov's day, the course of "seldyatka" and muksun began before the Assumption and lasted until the Exaltation. The fish began to spawn by Midsummer's Day (August 29). On the Assumption fast was guided by the fishing of large white-fronted geese: they returned for the time of gusevaniye to the Assumption, or "Ivan" (August 29) [Zenzinov, 1913, p. 149, 150, 156].

Some agricultural work was associated with the posts: according to popular signs, weather conditions changed on certain days of the calendar year. Posts, for example, were used to determine the beginning of haymaking, harvesting of grain and garden crops. Flax was chosen during the Assumption Fast shortly before the Assumption Day (August 15), then it was time for the cold morning dew. Cannabis was removed until Midsummer's Day, when they observed a one-day fast in memory of the Holy Prophet John the Baptist (August 29). After it, light frosts began, and the peasants hurried to harvest potatoes. Thus, the fasts to a certain extent delimited the time of year and were associated with the agricultural circle of occupations. During the winter posts, the men were engaged in ice fishing, logging and preparing for rafting. In March, with the establishment of a fast, hunting for bears and moose began.

Siberian peasants often left for various kinds of work. From the beginning of Lent to Christmas-

page 139
During the Viennese post, a part of the male population was employed in stone-making. The peasants also waited until the end of St. Peter's Fast and on St. Peter's Day (June 29) began to mow, and then went to work ("on the side"). The working year of farmers engaged in latrine fishing began between September 8 and October 1 and lasted until St. Peter's Day, so for some, fishing was suspended between St. Peter's Day (June 29) and Preobrazhenie (August 6) - the time of the end of mowing.

In Siberia, such a trade as collecting pine nuts (from which they beat oil for themselves and for sale), as well as wild plants, was very developed. In the northern regions of Siberia, the harvest of pine nuts and wild hops coincided with the end of the Dormition Fast (Gromyko, 1975, p. 222, 228; Satlykova, 1983, p. 166). Residents of the Kurgan region timed the construction of a hut to coincide with the beginning of Lent. It was believed that those who began to cut down the house in the early spring and at the new moon, will be accompanied by good luck (Gromyko, 1975, pp. 236-237).

The fast was also observed in places of detention on Sakhalin Island in the Sea of Okhotsk, whose territory was not always suitable for settlement due to natural and climatic conditions. As of January 1, 1890, there were 5,905 convicts of both sexes on the island (Chekhov, 1987, p. 229). Most of them came from Tambov, Samara, Chernihiv provinces, etc. [Ibid., p.242]. A. P. Chekhov, studying the everyday life of Sakhalin exiles, noted that of all the inhabitants he counted, 86.5% were Orthodox, who continued to observe the church's sacraments [Ibid., p. 306]. "Settlers grow up, get married, and baptize their children in churches if they live close to them," he said. - The priests themselves go to distant villages and "fast" exiles there" [Ibid., p. 303]. Of course, the unusual living conditions also affected the possibilities of visiting the temple: "During Lent, the convicts are sick; they are given three mornings to do this. When the shackles or those who live in Voivodeship and Dujsk prisons speak, there are sentries around the church, and this, they say, makes a depressing impression. Convict labourers usually do not go to church, because they use every holiday to rest, mend their clothes, and go for berries; besides, the churches here are cramped, and it has somehow become a matter of course that only those who are dressed in loose clothing, that is, only the so-called pure public, can go to church" [Ibid.].

In accordance with the "Report Card on the allowance of exiled convict men and women with food", compiled on the basis of the regulations on the provision and welding allowances of the troops of July 31, 1871, Sakhalin exiles also consisted of state allowances and received daily baked bread, cereals and various welding products for 1 kopeck; on a fast day, meat was replaced with fish. Prisoners received food in barracks or in an annex that housed the kitchen, but the quality of the products left much to be desired. The soldiers who were called "pioneers of Sakhalin" also fasted, because they appeared here before the establishment of penal servitude. The soldiers lived on the western, southern, and southeastern coasts of the island and were as poorly fed as the prisoners. In the summer, a ship with provisions came to them, and in the winter, a priest came to "stay" with them [Ibid., pp. 292, 293, 308, 309].

This article gives only a small idea of the food ration of Siberian peasants during the fast days. The above information allows us to conclude that strict and strict observance of fasts. Even the children of the peasants were taught to fast from early childhood. Abstinence from fast food provided significant economic benefits. Such dishes of Siberians as fish soup, dumplings, pies, etc. are well-known. However, Siberian peasants also used wild plants extensively for food. Fasting was observed even in harsh climatic conditions, for example, in Yakutia, as well as in places of detention on Sakhalin. The posts were associated with some field work of peasants, latrine trades and some non-agricultural activities of Siberians (hunting, fishing, collecting pine nuts, hops).

In general, as sources show, in the XIX century, fasts that defined restrictions in the diet made great changes in the ordinary life of Siberian peasants. And although they had a lot in common in observing the fast, some dishes were local features, i.e. the variability in cooking was determined by natural zoning. The lenten table was an essential part of the traditional food ration, and it can be said that the Russian national cuisine was based on the alternation of fasting and meat-eating. Studying the practice of fasting is of great importance for determining the national characteristics of the people associated with their traditional diet. This allows us to consider fasting as an important component of the material culture of an ethnic group.

List of literature

Argudyaeva Yu. V. Family and family life among Russian peasants in the Far East of Russia in the second half of the XIX-early XX centuries-Vladivostok: Publishing House of the Institute of History, Archeol. and Ethnography of the peoples of the Far East, Far Eastern Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2001, 132 p.

Bolonev F. F. O goncharstvo russkogo naseleniya Zabaikal'ya [On the pottery of the Russian population of Transbaikalia]. Novosibirsk: Nauka Publ., 1984, pp. 30-39.

Gromyko M. M. New data on the material culture of Russian peasants of Kainsky uyezd in the 1940s. //

page 140
Izv. Novosibirsk. otd. Geographical region of the USSR. Novosibirsk, 1973, issue 6, pp. 155-158.

Gromyko M. M. Trudovye traditsii russkikh krestyan Sibiri (XIII - first half of the XIX century) Trudovye traditsii russkikh krestyan Sibiri (XIII-first half of the XIX century). - Novosibirsk: Nauka, 1975. - 351 p.

Gromyko M. M. Traditional norms of behavior and forms of communication of Russian peasants of the XIX century-Moscow: Nauka, 1986. - 280 p.

Gromyko M. M. Orthodoxy among Russians: problems of ethnological research // Orthodoxy and Russian Folk Culture, Moscow: Publishing House of the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 1996, book 6, pp. 160-185.

Dal ' V. I. Tolkovyi slovar zhivogo velikorusskogo yazyka [Explanatory dictionary of the living Great Russian language]. - M.: Russian language, 1989. - T. I.-699 p.; T. II. - 1989. - 779 p.; T. III. - 1990. - 555 p.

Zenzinov V. M. Russkoe Ustye Yakutskoy oblasti Verkhoyanskogo okruga [Russian Mouth of the Yakut region of the Verkhoyansk district]. - 1913. - N 1/2. - p. 110-235.

Zenzinov V. M. Markovtsy i Russko-ustintsy (Etnograficheskie paralleli i sravneniya) [Markovtsy and Russian-ustyintsy (Ethnographic parallels and comparisons)]. - 1914. - N 1/2. - p. 155-161.

Zobnin F. From year to year (Description of the cycle of peasant life in the village of Ust-Nitsynsky, Tyumen district) / / Zhivaya starina. St. Petersburg, 1894, issue 1, pp. 37-64.

Zobnin F. From year to year. Ust-Nitsynskaya sloboda, Tyumenskogo uyezda, Tobolsk gubernia / / Zhivaya starina. St. Petersburg, 1898, Issue 2, pp. 125-157.

Lipinskaya V. A. Russkoe naselenie Altaiskogo kraya: Narodnye traditsii v material'noi kul'tury (XVIII - XX vv.) [The Russian population of the Altai Territory: Folk traditions in material culture (XVIII-XX centuries)].

Lipinskaya V. A. Food (XI-XX centuries) / / Russkie. - Moscow: Nauka, 1997. - pp. 354-397.

Makarenko A. A. Siberian folk calendar in ethnographic terms. Eastern Siberia, Yenisei province. St. Petersburg, 1913, 292 p. (in Russian)

Maksimov S. V. Impure, unknown and godly power. St. Petersburg: Poliset Publ., 1994, 446 p.

Minenko N. A. Kul'tura russkikh krestyan Zaural'ya, XVIII - pervaya polova XIX v. Kul'tura russkikh krestyan Zaural'ya, XVIII-first half of the XIX century. - Moscow: Nauka, 1991. - 224 p.

Moselle X. Materials for geography and statistics of Russia collected by officers of the General Staff: Perm Province. - St. Petersburg, 1864. - Part 1. - 60 p.

Novoselova L. V. Narodny kalendar i ego poeziya v Zapadnoy Sibiri (Po starym i novym zapisam) [Folk Calendar and its poetry in Western Siberia (Based on old and new records)]. - 1974. - Issue 1. - p. 24-42.

Popov N. Economic description of the Perm province. - Perm, 1804. - Part 2. - 403 p.

Potekhin A. A. Krestyanskie deti [Peasant children]: Stories of Russian writers of the second half of the XIX century, Moscow: Sovremennik, 1986, pp. 226-311.

Satlykova R. K. Cultural and everyday interactions of the population of the Middle Irtysh region // Ethnocultural processes in Western Siberia. Tomsk: Publishing House of the Tomsk State University, 1983, pp. 163-174.

Uspensky T. Essay on the south-western half of the Shadrinsk uyezd // Perm Collection, Moscow, 1859, Book 1, section IV: Mixture. - P. 3-41.

Khvostov V. About Tomsk province and the population of the Great Siberian Road, up to the Irkutsk border. St. Petersburg: Imp Publishing House. Academy of Sciences, 1809. - 107 p.

Chekhov A. P. Ostrov Sakhalinii (Iz putevykh zametok) [Sakhalin Island (From travel notes)] / / Chekhov A. P. Sobr. soch.: V 18 t. - Moscow: Nauka, 1987. - Vol. 14/15. - pp. 39-372.

Shchukin N. S. Byt krestyanina Vostochnoi Sibiri [Life of a peasant in Eastern Siberia] / / Zhurnal ministerstva vnutrennykh del (SPb.). - 1859. - Kn. 2, otd. 3. Materialy dlya statistiki Rossii. - pp. 32-53.

Shchukin N. Zhitie sibirskoe v drevnykh predaniyakh i sovremennykh impressionyakh [Siberian life in ancient legends and current impressions]. Irkutsk: East Siberian Publishing House, 1990, pp. 218-224.

The article was submitted to the Editorial Board on 25.03.10.

page 141

Permanent link to this publication: