Since early Hellenism, the three Northern Pontic poleis - Chersonesos, Olbia, and Tyra-have enjoyed the highest economic and cultural prosperity. Despite the different ways of their historical development, the peculiarities of the state structure, religious worldview, principles of organizing civil communities and contacts with the outside world, their destinies also have a lot in common, which certainly deserves a separate study. First of all, it is important to note the relatively stable functioning of democratic power in all these poleis in Hellenistic times, although both in its basis and in its subsequent existence, it had in each of them characteristic features and differences in the course of their domestic and foreign policies, material and spiritual needs of citizens, their traditions and relations with others barbarians. Naturally, the Dorian-strictly organized way of life of the Chersonese civil community-was in many ways different from the ways of the Olbia and Tiras communities with their native Ionian mentality, which is reflected both in the organization of the economy and religion.

Nevertheless, Chersonesos, Olbia, and Tyra almost simultaneously experienced similar processes of socio-economic and territorial changes in the last third of the IV-I centuries BC, during which a period of short-term, but unprecedented general recovery, and then a prolonged crisis with different methods of overcoming it, is clearly distinguished. Currently, many researchers, thanks to the materials obtained from excavations in the South-Western and North - Western Crimea, recognize that in the last third of the IV century BC, both the Chora of Chersonesus and the city itself began a rapid economic and cultural flourishing; then a large territorial state was fully formed here ^.1 Epigraphic sources allow us to establish that in Chersonesus at the turn of the IV-III centuries or at the very beginning of the III century there was an unsuccessful attempt at an anti-democratic coup, which nevertheless did not cause him particularly noticeable damage ^.2

In turn, after the campaign in 331 of the general Alexander the Great Zopyrion in Scythia and the death of his army (Just. XII. 2.16; Curt. I. 43) The Olvian polis is rapidly transforming, taking up intensive development of a vast agricultural area, as a result of which it also reached its highest flourishing point in the last third of the IV - first third of the III century BC. ³ An important role in the economic development of the Olvian polis.

¹. Vinogradov Yu. G., Shcheglov A. N. Obrazovanie territorialnogo Khersonessskogo gosudarstva [Formation of the territorial Chersonese state]. Hellenizm: ekonomika, politika, kul'tura [Hellenism: Economy, Politics, Culture], Moscow, 1990, pp. 310-333 (with lit.); Lantsov S. B. Zapadny Krym v sostave Chersonese gosudarstvo: Avtoref. dis. .. Candidate of Historical Sciences, Kiev, 1991, pp. 10-13.

² Solomonik E. I. Fragment of an inscription from Chersonesus about political exiles / / VDI. 1984. N 3. pp. 72-81; Saprykin S. Yu. Pontic Heraclea and Tauric Chersonesus. Moscow, 1986. p. 139 sl.; Vinogradov, Shcheglov. U k op. s. 341 sl.

³ Ruban V. V. Problems of the historical development of Olvia choirs in the IV-III centuries BC. / / WFI. 1985. N 1.

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Olbia's prosperity was influenced by the radical reforms most likely undertaken by the prominent figure Callinicus, son of Euxenus, during and after the siege of Zopyrion, which contributed to the final victory of radical democracy ^.4

There is less information about Tyre, but according to some sources it was a democratic polis that flourished in the early Hellenistic period5 .

However, soon, due to a sharp change in the situation on the territory of Scythia proper, the cessation of the kingdom of the Scythian nomads and Sarmatian invasions in all the Northern Pontic states, a prolonged crisis period begins in the second third of the third century. Chersonesus, somewhat earlier than other poleis, had to take on the onslaught of nomads of various forces, who destroyed and destroyed almost the entire agricultural zone, as a result of which it was never able to rise to the previous level ⁶ . These same reasons, as well as the threat of a Galatian attack from the west, led to the depopulation of the great chora of Olbia ⁷ . The same fate befell Tyra ⁸ .

Hence, it is clear that in general, in the history of the Northern Pontic poleis of Hellenistic times, two main and almost synchronous stages can be distinguished: the period of economic recovery and the crisis. And in each of them, ideas about the important role of religion in political and social life were clearly manifested, which were reflected in numismatic and epigraphic sources.

To some extent, the interaction of politics and religion has been addressed by many scholars at various times, ⁹ but it has never been specifically addressed in the plan outlined here, namely, to show, at least briefly, the significance of the most popular cults and sanctuaries in the sphere of politics of the above-mentioned polis at the stage of their prosperity, in order to better understand the difference between the proper Dorian and Ionian attitudes to deities in their Northern Pontic version ¹⁰ .

It is generally accepted that the main patroness of Chersonesus throughout almost the entire ancient era was Parthenos ¹¹ . At the same time, it should be noted that the cult name of this goddess in its semantic and religious content does not fully correspond to the term "Virgin" with its often common, multi-age and relatively narrow meaning. Nevertheless, it has become widely accepted in the scientific literature, almost completely replacing the original Greek cult name, which represents the eternal youth and strength of Artemis - the sacred one

P. 26 sl.; Kryzhitsky S. D., Buiskikh S. B. Burakov A.V., Oreshko V. M. Rural districts of Olvia. Kiev, 1989. p. 98 el.; Vinogradov Yu. G. Politicheskaya istoriya Olviyskogo polisa VII-I vv. B.C. Moscow, 1989. p. 150 sl.

⁴ See for more details: Vinogradov Yu. G., Karyshkovsky P. O. Kallinikos, son of Euxenos. Problemy politicheskoi i sotsial'no - ekonomicheskoi istorii Olvii vtoroi poloviny IV v. B.C. Problemy politicheskoi i sotsial'no-ekonomicheskoi istorii Olvii vtoroi poloviny IV v. B.C. Problems of political and socio-economic history of Olbia in the second half of the IV century BC. Political history ... p. 153 sl.

⁵ Karyshkovsky 17.0., Kleiman I. B. Drevnyj gorod Tyra [The Ancient City of Tyre]. Kiev, 1985. p. 60 sl.

⁶ Vinogradov, Goldfinches. Uk. op. p. 361 sl.

⁷ Kryzhitsky, Buiskikh, Burakov, Oreshko. Uk. soch. p. 99. ⁸ Karyshkovsky, Kleiman. Uk. op. p. 72 sl.

⁹ Cf., for example: Rostovtsev M. I. Sirisk-historian of Tauric Chersonesus / / ZHMNP. 1915. April; Tolstoy I. I. Bely Island and Taurica in the Euxine Pont. Pg., 1918. p. 91 sl.; Tyumenev A. I. Chersonese etudes. IV. Chersonese and Delos / / VDI. 1938. N 2. p. 265 sl.; Vinogradov. / u. Griechische Epigraphik und Geschichte der nordlichen Pontosgebietes / / VII ACIEGL. 1979. S. 296 ff.; Saprykin. Pontic Heraclea ... pp. 96, 142-143, 162; Vinogradov. Политическая история... С. 135 cл.; Русяева А.С. Суспiльно-полiтичнi функцii еллiнiстичного храму Аполлона в Ольвii // Археологiя. 1989. N 41. Pp. 26-35; it is the same. Religion and cults of ancient Olbia. Kiev, 1992. p. 18 sl.

¹⁰ In the next article, we will examine the cults of the main deities during the crisis of the Northern Pontic poleis from the same point of view.

¹¹ See Meshcheryakov V. F. Aktual'nye problemy izucheniya istorii religii i atheizma [Actual problems of studying the history of religion and atheism]. L., 1979; Paltseva L. A. The cult of the Virgin goddess in Chersonese / / From the history of the ancient society. Gorky, 1979; Rusyaeva A. S. The Supreme Deity of Tauric Chersonesus. Sevastopol (in print).

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The founders of Chersonesos (Pomp. Mela. Perieg. II. 3). In some works, even specifically devoted to her cult, the name Parthenos is mentioned only at the beginning as adequate to the Virgin, or is ignored altogether, which gives the impression that both the Taurians and the Hellenes who founded Chersonesus called their goddess the Virgin ^.12 In general, an unambiguous translation and replacement of the real name or epiclesis of the deity often leads to erroneous interpretations of functions and incomplete clarification of all aspects of the cult ^.13

Recognizing the supremacy of Parthenos in the pantheon of Chersonesus, one cannot but notice that the first coins clearly show a combination of the symbols of this goddess and Hercules. ¹⁴ At an early time, she acts here as the lady of the waters, the patroness of fishing and the savior at sea, including from the Taurians, which, obviously, was of great importance during the formation of the Chersonesus polis15 . The well-known attribute of the club of Heracles - the eponymous hero and patron of his metropolis of Pontic Heraclea-symbolized the power of the all-powerful defender here.

The complex interweaving of the symbols of these cults (kekrikefalos and Artemis ' fish Parthenos-the club and the bull of Hercules), which arose in certain socio - political and ecological - demographic conditions, completely different from the regions of Ionian colonization on the Northern Pontus, for a long time personified the polis ideology. Only the appearance of the coins changed, but the main essence of the two deities associated with it remained basically the same ¹⁶ . They were supposed to remain on guard of the Chersonese civil community, but the leading role, with rare exceptions, belonged to Parthenos. This, in particular, is evidenced by the direct and visual representation of her image as Artemis in various artistic and mythological plans, in contrast to Hercules. Initially, it is present on coins as if in a veiled form - in the form of its attributes, which created a special contrast between them.

On separate series of coins, chronologically coinciding with the final development of the Heraclea Peninsula and the capture of the flat part of the South-Western Crimea on the eve of Hellenism, only Parthenos is represented with a torch, rushing on a quadriga, on

¹² Cf., for example: Anokhin V. A. Monetnoe delo Chersonese (IV century BC - XII century AD). Kiev, 1977. p. 10 sl.; Paltseva. Meshcheryakov V. F. Religion and cults of Tauric Chersonesus in the I-IV centuries AD: Author's abstract of the dissertation... Candidate of Historical Sciences, Moscow, 1980. p. 2 sl.; Kadeev V. I. Tauric Chersonesus in the first centuries of our era. Kharkiv, 1981. p. 49 sl.; Stolba V. F. New dedication from the North-Western Crimea and aspects of the cult of Heracles in the Chersonesus state / / VDI. 1989. N 4. p. 62 sl.

¹³ In connection with all that has been said, only the name Parthenos will be used here. The author of this article was also influenced by the tradition, which was initiated by scientists in the XIX century (Rusyaeva A. S. Religion // Archeology of the Ukrainian SSR. Vol. 2. Kiev, 1986. p. 546 sl.; ona. Religion and cults... p. 107). A similar situation developed with regard to the Olvian cult of Apollo Ietros (Doctor), whose functions are sometimes explained by purely medical healing properties, while he appeared here in the hypostasis of the savior in a broad sense. See Vinogradov. Op. cit. S. 299; Vinogradov Yu. G., Rusyaeva A. S. The Cult of Apollo and the calendar in Olbia / / Research on the ancient archeology of the Northern Black Sea region. Kiev, 1980. p. 30 sl.; Rusyaeva A. S. Milet-Didyms-Borysthenes-Olbia. Problemy kolonizatsii Nizhni Pobuzhya [Problems of colonization of the Lower Pobuzhya]. VDI. 1986. N 2. p. 39; ona. Religion and cults ... pp. 29-41, 53-55.

¹⁴ Anokhin. Coin business of Chersonesos... N 1-7; Pillars. Parthenos is represented in a kekrikefal on the head, and on the reverse side are depicted a fish and a club.

¹⁵ Here and further, the author relies mainly on his own research on the cult of Parthenos (Rusyaeva. Supreme deity...). On the connection of Artemis with water, see Nilsson M. R. Geschichte der griechischen Religion. Bd I. Munchen, 1976. S.492 f.

¹⁶ The interweaving of symbols of Parthenos and Hercules (fish and club, club in a wreath, dolphin and club, bow and protoma bull on a club and fish)is especially characteristic of coins of the IV century - with the exception of rare copies. Coin business of Chersonesos... N 1-90. The proofreading of the chronology of the Chersonese coins with the head of Hercules proposed by V. F. Stolba does not seem convincing (Uk. soch. pp. 63, 66-67), although in general they still need to be specially studied.

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reverse - naked kneeling warrior with shield and spear ¹⁷ . Various assumptions have been made about the reasons for the appearance of these coins and their symbolism18 . Such a ceremonial series of coins can demonstrate the triumph of the supreme deity in connection with the political and economic success of the Chersonesites. Having strengthened its position in coastal Taurica and provided its citizens with an extensive agricultural area, the polis could establish national festivals in honor of Parthenos with agons, where chariot competitions played a major role ^.19

If the chronology of coins is correct, then during the period of the highest economic growth of the Chersonesus state, it is the image of Parthenos in various versions (kneeling goddess with bow and arrow; she is again on a chariot with a torch or in a rapid run with a bow in her hand, striking a deer with a spear; her head with a bow and quiver behind) that prevails on the coins of the last third A. Anokhin is obviously right in saying that since the image of Parthenos striking a fallow deer with a spear appears at the beginning of the third century, which is later reproduced in different angles on separate series of coins up to the late Antique era, then it should be seen as a copy of the sculpture created in the Middle Ages. early Hellenistic period ²¹ .

At the same time, a very special symbol appears in her cult - the griffin, reflecting the mythological relationship with Apollo, their journey after birth to the north, and their return to Delos accompanied by the griffin. It is possible that in this way the Chersonesites tried to show their original connection with this sanctuary, where in the cult of Artemis of Delos, gifts wrapped in wheat straw supposedly coming from the Hyperboreans were of particular importance (Herod. IV. 32-35) ^.22 It is also possible that both on the Bosporus and in other states, the griffin was considered the all-powerful apotropee of all wealth, including grain fields and grain.

According to the dating of V. A. Anokhin, for half a century (350-300 AD), the Chersonesites promoted the supremacy of Parthenos with their coins; the symbolism of Hercules is not represented on them. Then, on the reverse side, the image of a bull goring on a mace ²³ appeared again . The goddess in the traditional kekrikefal, and she in the image of the indomitable huntress, the bull and the club as symbols of the illusory power of Hercules in sacred unity again acted as defenders and guardians of the polis lands.

The coins of this time do not necessarily show that their symbolism reflects the political struggle between democrats and oligarchs, which is established according to epigraphic sources (IOSPE. I (2). 401, 418) ²⁴ . In terms of the religious and political life of Chersonesos, it is very important to mention Parthenos in the Oath of Office of its citizens - the fundamental document in its history after the victory of the Democrats, apparently,

¹⁷ Anokhin. Coin business of Chersonese ... N 35-56; Vinogradov, Shcheglov. Uk. soch. p. 320-326; Saprykin. Pontic Heraclea ... pp. 96-97.

^18< Wed. Anokhin. Coin business of Chersonese ... p. 22-25; Saprykin S. Yu. On the typology of two groups of coins of Chersonese / / SA. 1980. N 3. p. 43 sl.; on. Heraclea of Pontus ... p. 96 sl.

^{19 We cannot exclude, of course, the reflection on these coins of Epiphanius Parthenos, see Saprykin. Pontic Heraclea... p. 96.}

²⁰ Anokhin. Coin business of Chersonesos... N 60-90.

²¹ Ibid., p. 26.

²² Seltman C.F. The Offerings of the Hyperboreans // CQ. 1928. XXII. P. 155 f. According to Aristaeus of Proconnesus, the Hyperboreans lived near vultures guarding gold (Herod. IV. 13).

²³ Anokhin. Coin business of Chersonesos... N 77-90. In this case, the image of the bull indicates not only a direct connection with the metropolis and Hercules, who defeated the ferocious Cretan bull with a club (Apollod. II. 5.7); but also defines in itself a set of symbolic and allegorical features inherent in the ideology of the citizens of Chersonesus and, in particular, its magistrates.

^{Leni E. I. K voprosu o datirovke chersonesskoi prisyagi [}On the issue of dating the Chersonese oath], SA. 1947. IX. P. 89 sl.; Tyumenev A. I. Chersonese studies. IV. Chersonese and local population: Scythians / / VDI. 1950. N 2. P. 50; Solomonik. Fragment of an inscription ... pp. 71-83; Saprykin. Pontic Heraclea... p. 139 p.; Vinogradov, Shcheglov. Uk. op. p. 341 sl.

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at the very beginning of the third century BC, in general, the Oath reflects not only the political and socio-economic situation of the polis, but also its religion, as part of the state ideology, the desire to preserve the territorial integrity at all costs and unite its citizens in a strong team of like-minded people. In such a multidimensional document, Parthenos is named after three deities (Zeus, Gaia, and Helios), who represent powerful cosmic and social forces that the Hellenes traditionally addressed in oaths, but before many nameless Olympian deities, and even more so heroes (IOSPE. I (2). 401). This certainly points to its central role in the local pantheon, ²⁵ and puts it, among other things, in the first place and as a defender of democracy. Most likely, her cult and country sanctuary is associated with one of the paragraphs of the Oath, which contains a mysterious term that helps to reveal not only certain secret rites when dedicating Ephebes to the rank of citizens and soldiers, but also the complex relationship with Athens. ²⁶

The sanctuary of Parthenos on the acropolis had a temple, altars, and statues, and her xoanus evidently stood there (Strabo. VII. 4.2). Apparently, the Chersonesites are contrary to the Athenian-Delphic policy of removing the idol of Artemis from Taurica and promoting its storage in a sanctuary near Athens (Eurip. Iphig. Taur. 1416 sq.; Paus I. 23, 33) still believed that he remained on their land. As in other temples of this goddess that claim to own the Tauric idol, ²⁷ a local legend may have been created in Chersonesos - how it remained in their city.

It is noteworthy that the greatest number of architectural details from the local temples and altars also dates back to the period of economic recovery ^.28 Not only were prostyle temples built here, but also a huge peripter, which, based on the significance of the main cult in the polis, could belong to Parthenos. ²⁹ At the turn of the IV-III centuries, apparently, after taking the Oath, a monumental marble altar was installed in her sanctuary with a dedicatory inscription from the sacred basileus-eponym and high priest of the goddess Pasiades, son of Artemidorus . The close relationship between the cult of Parthenos and state politics left its mark on its organization, which fully corresponded to the paramilitary lifestyle of the Chersonesites, their mentality and morals. The positions of priests and other servants of her cult were held only by men (IOSPE. I (2). 357, 358, 410, 412, 418, 423, 424, 430, 457), which fully corresponded to the character of this warlike deity. Parthenos, for a short time, in connection with the various events that took place in Chersonesos, noticeably evolved in the aspect of a strong and severe huntress, who owned many types of weapons and was able to help even in military operations, as can be seen from the later decree in honor of Diophantus (IOSPE. I (2). 352).

Thus, during the period of maximum economic development of the Chersonese state, with its large revenues largely due to the export of bread and wine, ³¹ the sanctuary of Parthenos was primarily enriched, receiving gifts and holding special Parthenian festivals, to which, apparently, representatives from other cities interested in trade relations with the Chersonesites were invited ^.32

²⁵ Tolstoy. U k op. p. 92.

²⁶ Rusyaeva L. S. The term EAETHP in the Oath of citizens of the Tauric Chersonese / / Ancient Black Sea region. III readings in memory of Professor P. O. Karyshkovsky. Odessa, 1996. pp. 94-95.

²⁷ See Tolstoy. U k op. p. 127 sl.

²⁸ Pichikyan I. R. Asia Minor - Northern Black Sea Region. Antique traditions and Influences, Moscow, 1984, pp. 197-222.

²⁹ Ibid., pp. 213, 220.

³⁰ Pichikyan I. R. Altarp Pasiada v Chersonese / / SA. 1976. N 3; ond. Asia Minor ... pp. 198-207.

³¹ Vinogradov, Shcheglov. U k op. s. 350 sl.

³² An indirect proof of this is the decree of the first half of the third century BC in honor of Siriscus, which described the epiphany of Parthenos and investigated the relations of Chersonesus with the Bosporan kings and other friendly cities (IOSPE. I (2). 344).

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By establishing the cult of Parthenos, they linked it to their foreign and domestic policies from the very beginning. Numismatic and epigraphic sources show that the worship of the goddess and the expansion of her functions in connection with the ever-increasing role of the sanctuary, in which the leading role was played by her high priests - the eponyms of the city, who called themselves basileuses, was marked by the territorial expansion of the state, the struggle with the Taurians for possession of the land, and from time to time. The rise of Dorian elements in the state structure and culture was also carried out under the auspices of Parthenos, whose cult was dominated by Megarian and Spartan features. The religious policy of the Chersonesites in connection with the cult of Parthenos was aimed at preserving the Polis as the main unit of the civil community, outside of which they could not imagine their existence. The unity of the citizens was also maintained through educational measures carried out by the priests of her sanctuary. It's not for nothing that IOSPE is on maternity leave. I (2). 343 After many decades, it is still recalled that the Chersonesites have often been saved from the greatest dangers by the goddess before ^.33

Judging by the role that the sanctuary of Parthenos played in certain spheres of life of the Chersonesites, it undoubtedly occupied key positions here. The more the soteric functions of the goddess were emphasized and promoted, the more popular her cult became. In the worldview of the Chersonese citizens, thanks to epiphanies, signs and mantle, she gradually acquired the true visible qualities of a savior and defender.

At the same time, it is very significant that during the heyday of the Chersonesus choir, reliefs with the image of Hercules and dedicatory graffiti to this hero in the guise of Soter appeared, which was not typical for Parthenos. Apparently, he acted here as a guardian of individual estates and fortresses, where his private sanctuaries could also be arranged. In any case, so far no information has been found about the general city sacred zone of Hercules in the city or beyond.

Studies of his cult have noted both soteric and Chthonic features, which, based on his dual character of hero and god, should not be seen as any contradictions ³⁴. It was the heroes who had the most protective functions, without losing their Chthonic essence. The activation of the cult of Heracles on Chora was obviously associated with a certain group of landowners of Dorian origin, in whose beliefs he occupied a dominant position. They also constantly sought to raise him to a higher place in the state religion. However, its special elevation at the general level of the city occurred, apparently, at a time when in the first third of the third century Chersonesus itself was facing the threat of a barbarian invasion.

The situation in Olbia at the stage of economic prosperity was completely different. Although according to many sources there seems to be no doubt that its supreme patron during the Doget period was Apollo, first in the guise of Ietros, and then the peacemaker Delphinius, ³⁵ but in comparison with Parthenos and some Olvian deities, it seems strange that his image relatively rarely appeared on coins. True, the symbolism on them was so diverse and constant

³³ Wed. Vinogradov Yu. G. The Chersonese decree on the "bearing of Dionysus" IOSPE. I (2). 343 and the Sarmatian invasion of Scythia / / VDI. 1997. N 3. pp. 104-124; on. Rout of Great Scythia by the Sarmatians: traces of the Horde lead to Taurida / / Problems of Scythian-Sarmatian Archeology of the Northern Black Sea region. Zaporozhye, 1999. p. 60 (shortly before 276 BC). The inscription is dated by the author to about 280 BC and indicates the raids of not only neighboring barbarians, but also hordes of Sarmatians.

³⁴ Wed. Pyatysheva N. V. On the cult of Heracles in Chersonese // VDI. 1948. N 2; Shcheglov A. N. Podvigi Hercla (Po pamyatnikam Chersonese Tavrichesky). L., 1964; Saprykin S. Yu. O kulte Gerakla v Chersonese i Geraklei v epokhu hellenizma [On the cult of Heracles in Chersonese and Heraclea in the Hellenistic era]. Kiev, 1984. pp. 12-17; Stolba. The development of the cult of Hercules will be discussed in more detail in another article by the author.

³⁵ Rusyaeva street. Religion and Cults ... pp. 18-21, 27-55 (with lit.).

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changing, which is not comparable to the Chersonesus coins. In addition, the Olbia coin business is generally characterized by a unique feature precisely in connection with the cult of Apollo Delphinius. This refers to the very long functioning of cast dolphin-shaped coins, which simultaneously represented a kind of symbol and votive in the cult of this god in the second half of the VI-IV centuries BC. ³⁶

Apparently, the sacred animal of Apollo, transformed by the creative imagination of his worshippers - perhaps with the help of molps - into a bronze ingot that became an integral part of monetary circulation, as it were, replaced the image of God himself. For more than two centuries, "dolphins" have been used in parallel with the periodically changing types of Olvian coins, as a result of which they were produced so much that they are now found in almost all layers and complexes of Olvia. If, in fact, anepigraphic "dolphins" were produced not only in sanctuaries ³⁷ , but also privately ³⁸ , then in the end the necessary control of the authorities and regulation of their emissions became almost impossible.

It is still impossible to determine exactly when their manufacture ceased, at what time they completely went out of circulation, and for how long they served as votives in the cult of Apollo ³⁹ . No matter what chronological framework is most often determined purely theoretically or only on the basis of hoards, it is hardly possible to ignore the fact that" dolphins " in the form of the obol of Charon are also found in well-dated burial complexes not only of the Late Classical, but also of the Early Hellenistic time ^.40 In the latter case, they predominated in the graves of wealthy citizens, which may indicate their special commitment to this monetary sign as a traditional symbol of Apollo.

Based on various data and general comparisons, it can be assumed that the appeal of "dolphins", if they were actually created thanks to ^the molpas in the third quarter of the sixth century, was abolished after the final victory of democracy in Olbia . Due to the radical changes in the state structure in the early Hellenistic period, the role of aristocratic unions significantly decreased or they stopped their active political activities for a while. A certain conservatism of Olvian citizens in the field of religion, the desire to

³⁶ She's the same. Agricultural cults in Olbia of the Pre-Soviet period. Kiev, 1979. p. 12; it is the same. Miletus-Didyms ... pp. 55, 62-65; it is the same. Religion and cults... p. 41 sl.; Karyshkovsky P. O. Coins of Olbia. Kiev, 1988. pp. 34-40; Anokhin V. A. Coins of ancient cities of the North-Western Black Sea region. Kiev, 1989, pp. 8-11.

³⁷ The fact that coin-shaped "dolphins" were made in workshops at the sanctuaries is evidenced by the complex of one of the pits of the V century BC on the Western Temenos, consisting of numerous bronze slags, defective dolphins and sprues. Arrowheads were also produced there (the author's excavations).

³⁸ Wed. Karyshkovsky. Oreshko V. M., Naumov V. I. Hoard of dolphin-like coins at the settlement of Bolshaya Chernomorka-2 (Berezansky Estuary) / / Nikoniy i antichny mir Severnogo Prichernomorya. Odessa, 1997. pp. 121-122.

³⁹ Wed. Karyshkovsky. Coins of Olbia. p. 36 sl.; Anokhin. Coins... pp. 9-10; Zolotarev M. I. A new hoard of Olvian dolphin-shaped coins from excavations on the island of Berezan. Kiev, 1996. pp. 121-122; Oreshko. Naumov. Hoard... p. 116.

⁴⁰ Kozub Yu. I. Necropolis of Olvii V-IV st. B.C. e. Kiiv, 1974. p. 106; Paronich-Peshikan M. Necropolis of Olvia of Hellenistic time. Kiev, 1974. pp. 130-131.

⁴¹ It is known from inscriptions of the fifth century BC that the Isymnetes of the Molpae held eponymous positions in Olbia and were high priests in Delphinion. Given their aristocratic origin and belonging to the social elite, there are reasons to believe that their fias exerted a certain influence not only on the religious sphere of life of Olviopolites. See Karyshkovsky P. O. Olvian eponyms / / VDI. 1978. N 2. pp. 82-88; on. Olvian molps / / Northern Black Sea region. Kiev, 1984. pp. 42-51; Vinogradov. Political history... p. 112 sl.; Rusyaeva. Religion and cults ... pp. 193-195, 209.

⁴² Yu. G. Vinogradov justifiably connects this political process with the activities of Callinicus, the son of Euxenus, in the 30s and 20s of the fourth century. (Political History... pp. 175-176).

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the preservation of polis traditions, especially in such a cult as the Apollo Delphinium, became the main reason that dolphin-shaped coins, especially since they had already accumulated a huge amount, continued to function in Olbia in the IV century.as in previous years, in parallel with cast obols. In this case, it is quite possible that the radical democrat Callinicus, the son of Euxenus, permanently stopped the issue of all cast coins here and introduced a permanent coinage ^.43 However, even after that, in some families, they were preserved as a kind of memory of their former not so much monetary as sacred value.

Together with them, the "Apollonian line" in the worldview of the Olviopolites and the propaganda of the official cult, its soteric significance, were preserved for a long period. It was in the dolphin that the Olviopolites saw the main symbol of protection and peace in their polis. The colossal work done in Olbia after the siege of Zopyrion to reconstruct the Central Temenos, which was dominated by the sanctuary of Apollo Del Finia, is a reliable indicator that it remained so until the Gethic defeat ^.44 On the site of the mud - and-wood temple of Delphinius of the fifth century, a stone peripter was built, exceeding its size by ⁴⁵ . The ceremonial monumental altar of Delphinion was also remodeled, faced with marble slabs and decorated at the beginning of the third century. ⁴⁶ From the second half of the fourth to the second century BC, proxenias were installed in the sanctuary - decrees in honor of citizens from various cities of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea region who conducted successful trade with Olbia ^.47 This original "stone archive", as in the Delphinion of Miletus, after its discovery, greatly expanded the epigraphic information about the economic, cultural and political relations of the polis with the Greek world.

It is believed that after the departure of the Molpas from the religious and political scene, the position of city eponym passed to ^the priests of Apollo Delphinium . At the same time, it should be noted that during the period of Olvia's greatest prosperity, eponyms are not mentioned in epigraphic documents. Only from the inscriptions of the time of the crisis can we assume that the eponymous position became the continuous prerogative of the servants of the cult of Delphinion until the Geta invasion. In extraordinary cases, in Olbia, as in Chersonesos, the supreme deity was nominated for the eponymous position ^.49

In the Olvian Delphinion, apparently, public receptions were held in honor of feors, honored proxens, and honorary citizens ^.50 Therefore, there is reason to believe that it is not only a cult place of Apollo, but also a cultural and political one.

⁴³ Unfortunately, there is no single point of view regarding the interpretation of the decree in honor of Callinicus and its dating. Cf., for example: Vinogradov. Karyshkovsky. Kallinik... / / VDI. 1983. N 1. pp. 21-39 (with lit.); Karyshkovsky. Coins of Olbia. p. 65 sl.; Vinogradov. Political history... p. 153 sl.; Anokhin. Coins... p. 283; Yaylenko V. P. Olvia and Bosporus in the Hellenistic era / / Hellenism: economy, politics, Culture. Moscow, 1990. p. 268 pp.

⁴⁴ Levi E. I. Gorod epokhi hellenizma [City of the Hellenistic Era]. L., 1985. p. 71 sl. Only the level of the temenos area was raised by 0.60 m by backfilling and leveling with pure loess soil.

⁴⁵ The temple has not been fully explored, and it is possible that its remains in the northern part have not been preserved due to a beam (or moat) formed in this place. See Karasev A. N. Monumental monuments of the Olvian temenos. Temenos and Agora, Moscow-L., 1964, pp. 27, 30; Levi. 77. Doubts were expressed about the existence of such a peripter (Krizhitsky S. D., Buiskikh A.V. Reconstruction of the sporud of the Central Temenos in Olvii / / Archeology. 1990. N 3. p. 27 sl.).

⁴⁶ Karasev. U. K. op. c. 101; Levi. Uk. soch. p. 81.

⁴⁷ Levi. Uk. soch. p. 85-86.

⁴⁸ Wed. Leypunska N. O. The Cult of Apollo in Olvii / / Archeologiya. 1964. XVI. P. 25; Karyshkovsky. Olvian eponyms, p. 88; Vinogradov. Political history... p. 149; Rusyaeva. Religion and cults ... pp. 209-210.

⁴⁹ Wed. Karyshkovsky. Olvian eponyms ... p. 96; Rusyaeva. Religion and cults... p. 210; Kadeev. U k op. s. 67-72. During the war ravages and crises in Miletus, Apollo also became the city's eponym (Milet. I, 3. N 122. II. 85; N 123. 5, 18, 35, 43, 44, 53-56, 59; N 124. 4-7, 37, 41, 43, 45-49; N 125. 1, 3, 8, 11; N 127. 4,7, 9).

⁵⁰ Rusyaeva street. Суспiльно-полiтичнi функцii... С. 26 сл.

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He was a great center, was of great importance in the system of foreign policy and religious relations, and enjoyed a generally recognized authority.

Despite all these obvious signs of the cult of Apollo, his image (head in a laurel wreath) on the coins of Olbia, compared with other deities, appeared only periodically in Hellenistic time ^.51 Obviously, traditionally representative cults were adjusted in relation to the new policy of radical democrats and the new situation in connection with the significant territorial expansion of the state. Callinicus, the son of Euxenus, as the most active initiator of socio-economic reforms, which resulted in great success in all spheres of life, demos installed a statue dedicated not to Apollo, but to Zeus Soter ^.52 After that, the veneration of Zeus increases ⁵³ . A small stone temple ⁵⁴ was built near Delphinion at the turn of the IV-III centuries . Most likely, it was to him , as in Athens ⁵⁵, that the great stoia was dedicated - one of the best architectural monuments of Hellenistic Olbia ⁵⁶ . It is possible, then, that the Olvian Democrats were trying to weaken the influence of noble families, in particular the descendants of the Molpians and Numeniasts, who exalt the cult of their patron Apollo Delphinius.

To a large extent, this affected the development of the cult of Demeter. If we start from the symbolism of the polis coins, then during the period of the greatest territorial increase of the Olvian hora - at least from the Dnieper to Tiligul - and with it economic prosperity, Demeter and the river deity (be it Borysthenes or Hypanis) became defenders of radical democracy and vast state lands. Moreover, the most characteristic function of Eleusinian Demeter as the patroness of grain farming was deliberately highlighted. Moreover, at this time, Olbia for the first time, in addition to bronze and silver coins, began to mint gold staters also with the head of Demeter, which was of great political significance as a kind of declaration of its independence and well-being ^.57

Coins with Demeter had a variety of symbols: in addition to her own (wheat ear, a wreath of ears), Apollonova was still most often placed (dolphin separately or as an element of the polis emblem, the star may be burning) ⁵⁸ . However, among the various series of coins with the image of Demeter, which prevail numerically and qualitatively, there are quite rare copies with the head of Apollo ⁵⁹ .

Demeter was well known in the Lower Pobuzhye region, but until the fourth century she had never risen so high in the state religion. It was only during the period of the greatest intensification of grain farming that the agricultural demos of Olbia clearly promoted it to one of the first places in the pantheon. The noticeable manifestation of the Eleusinian character of the Demeter cult in the fourth and third centuries BC is explained not only by the bread trade, but also by constant cultural and political contacts with Athens and the influence of the Athenians on the development of this cult ^.60

However, it has not yet been determined exactly where the shrine of this goddess was located. In addition to the sanctuary of Demeter mentioned by Herodotus (IV. 53) on Hippolytus

⁵¹ Wed. Anokhin. Coins... pp. 106-112.

⁵² For more information, see Vinogradov, Karyshkovsky. Callinik... / / VDI. 1982. N 4. p. 32 sl.; 1983. N 1. p. 21 sl.

⁵³ Rusyaeva street. Religion and cults ... p. 58 sl.

⁵⁴ Karasev. Uk. soch. p. 113-129; Levi. Uk. soch. p. 78-80; Kryzhitsky S. D. Olvia. Historical research of architectural and construction complexes. Kiev, 1985. p. 108 sl.

⁵⁵ Schwabi N. Zeus / / RE. Supplbd XV. 1978. Sp. 1066.

⁵⁶ Levy. Uk. soch. p. 90-92; Rusyaeva. Religion and cults... pp. 63-64.

⁵⁷ Karyshkovsky. Coins of Olbia ... p. 66.

⁵⁸ Anokhin. Coins... N 80-126 sl.

⁵⁹ Ibid. N 113-114, 216, 232-236.

⁶⁰ Rusyaeva street. Agricultural cults... p. 51 sl.; it is the same. Religion and cults... pp. 85-86.

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cape ⁶¹ in Olbia itself, with such a significant expansion of its official cult, could also have a sanctuary with a temple and an altar ⁶² . So far, no materials have been found on any of the Temenos that can be used to confidently localize its location. The specifics of the cult of Demeter, as can be seen from many data on the location of its sacred zones in different regions of Hellas, required their arrangement outside the city or on elevated places in the peripheral parts near the river or sea (Paus. I. 44.3; II. 34.6; 36.7; VIII. 15.3.4; 25.3.4; 36.6; IX. 19. 6, etc.) ⁶³ .

Recently, the remains of a large Doric temple of the second half of the IV-first half of the III century BC were discovered at one of the highest points on the south - eastern tip of the Olbia settlement.⁶⁴ Due to intensive construction in Roman times, dedicatory inscriptions of this time have not yet been found here, which usually lead to attribution to any deity. In the preliminary plan, given its location and dating, which coincides with the particularly great popularity of Demeter, this temple can presumably be associated with her cult ^.65

In addition to Demeter, the image of the river deity, which is most often called Borysthenes, was very popular on Olvian coins during the economic boom. From his name came the name of the bronze coins "Borysthenes". According to popular opinion, their number is much higher than coins with images of other deities ^.66 In addition, they represent the most popular type of coins of the Olvi chora from the settlement of Zhevakhova Gora in Odessa in the west to the settlement of Belozerka in the Lower Dnieper region in the east ^.67 By the end of the fourth century. Scythia is losing its former power, which contributed to an unhindered increase in the territory of the Olvian polis in all directions. Obviously, since that time, he had at his disposal the richest water basins, including the Borysthenes, which played a huge role in the economy. In such a situation, the wide popularity of the river deity in the guise of a protector is quite natural ^.68

Thus, if during the heyday in Chersonesus the leading deity in the pantheon was still the same Parthenos, followed only by Hercules, then in Olbia there is an exaltation of deities not connected with its foundation. As the patron saint of the civil community and the main city god, Apollo Delphinius was accompanied on the one hand by Zeus Soter, and on the other by Demeter and the river deity, whose function was to protect all public lands and waters.

In this aspect, Olvia was closer to the neighboring Shooting Gallery. Although there are much fewer sources about cults in this city, it is still clear from the coin images that Demeter with

⁶¹ Same name. Demeter's Sanctuary on Cape Hippolaus // Problems of Archeology of the Northern Black Sea region (to the 100th anniversary of the foundation of the Kherson Museum of Antiquities). Tez. dokl.konf. Kherson. 1990; same name. Religion and cults... pp. 113-115.

⁶² This is all the more possible, since Demetrion is mentioned in the fifth-century dedication of Cilic to the Eleusinian Triad. See Rusyaev. Agricultural cults... pp. 47-48.

⁶³ Nilsson. Op. cit. S. 464 ff.

⁶⁴ Krapivina V. V., Buiskikh A.V. Preliminary results of the study of the south-eastern part of the Upper City of Olbia (1982-1996) / / Nikoniy i antichnyj mir Severnogo Prichernomorya. Odessa, 1997. P. 124. Dimensions of the temple 8,5 X 23 m.

⁶⁵ According to the Olvian Temenos excavations, there were also sanctuaries of Apollo Delphinius and Zeus in Hellenistic times, possibly of Athena (Central), Apollo Ietros, the Mother of the Gods, Hermes, Aphrodite, the Dioscuri, Dionysus (?) (Western). Not all of them had temples. See Levy. Uk. soch. p. 71 sl.; Rusyaeva A. S. Issledovaniya Zapadnogo temenosa Olvii [Studies of the Western temenos of Olvia]. VDI. 1991. N 4. p. 127 sl.

⁶⁶ Numismatists date "Borysthenes" quite differently. Cf., for example: Karyshkovsky. Coins of Olbia. p. 80 sl.; Anokhin. Coins... p. 39 sl.; Ruban V. V., Ursalov V. N. Istoriya denezhnogo obrashcheniya na sel'skoi territorii Borysfenida i Olvia dogetskogo vremeni [History of monetary circulation in the rural territory of Borysphenida and Olbia of the Pre-Soviet period]. VDI. 1986. N 4. p.49. The greatest recognition was given to the dating of P. O. Karyshkovsky (330-250 BC).

⁶⁷ Ruban, Ursalov. Uk. op. p. 42 sl.; Karyshkovsky. Coins of Olbia, pp. 84-85.

⁶⁸ Rusyaeva street. Religion and cults... pp. 137-138.

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the ears of corn and, to a lesser extent, the river deity (Tiras) symbolized its economic growth in the early Hellenistic period ^.69

Thus, it is obvious that the elucidation of questions about the relationship between politics and religion depends primarily on the nature of the available sources, which are often not enough to fully study them, as well as their chronology. The considered materials about the main cults in Chersonesos, Olbia and Tyre during only a short but most significant period in their history are at the same time a reflection of the processes typical for democratic poleis with their different approach to state organization and socio - economic structure, the peculiarity of the religious worldview of the Ionians and Dorians in the Northern Black Sea region. A short-term rapprochement in the sphere of politics and religion is observed between Chersonesos and Olbia, especially during the crisis, when new cults were introduced and closer relations were established with the Panhellenic sanctuaries on Delos and Delphi, a sharp polarization of ideological forces and the elitism of society began, and the use of temple savings for the needs of the state, which will be discussed in the second part this job.

CULTS AND SANCTUARIES IN THE POLICY OF DEMOCRATIC POLEIS OF THE NORTH PONTIC AREA IN EARLY HELLENISTIC PERIOD

A.S. Rusyayeva

The article considers the principal cults in three North Pontic democratic poleis in the period of their brief economic flourishing in early Hellenistic time. Numismatic and epigraphic sources show that Parthenos and Heracles (in Chersonesus), Apollo Delphinius, Zeus Soter, Demeter and Borysthenes (in Olbia), Demeter and Tyras (in Tyra) were regarded as defenders and saviours not of cities only, but also of the vast agricultural territories belonging to the poleis and played an important role in their home and foreign politics.

Besides, the images and characters of the deities in question have some specific features demonstrating the peculiarities in religious outlooks of North Pontic Hellenes of Ionian and Doric descent.

⁶⁹ Son N. A. Grecheskie kulty Tyra pervykh vekakh nashe eri [Greek cults of Tyra in the first centuries of Our Era]. Issledovaniya po antichnoi arkheologii Severnogo Prichernomorya. Kiev, 1980. P. 128; Karyshkovsky, Kleiman. Uk. soch. p. 61-62; Anokhin. Coins... N 42247; Samoilova T. L. Cults of Greek gods in the Lower Transnistria in the pre-Roman period // The world of Olvia. Kiev, 1996. p. 183.

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