V. III. Leiden - New York - Koln: E.J. Brill, 1992. XII, 344 p., il., map.

A peer-reviewed monograph by Dutch orientalist researcher Willem Vogelsang is devoted to such an extremely interesting problem as the phenomenon of the organization of the Achaemenid state. Structurally, it consists of seven chapters (1. Introduction; 2. Lands of Eastern Iran; 3. Achaemenid sources on Eastern Iran; 4. Early classical References to Eastern Iran; 5. Alexander and Eastern Iran; 6. Archaeological evidence; 7. The Iranian Achaemenid Empire) and, in addition, is provided with a bibliography, use maps and illustrations.

In the Introduction, the main question of the study is outlined, namely: how did the Persians, in a historically short period of only 20 years, within the second half of the VI century BC, manage to create a huge empire from the Aegean coast in the west to the Kabul River valley in the east, which they, moreover, preserved for two hundred years? years - up to the invasion of Alexander the Great? The author suggests looking for the answer to this question in the processes that led to the emergence of the Achaemenid kingdom, as well as in its very structure, especially at the early stage of its existence. In his opinion, the key to a deeper understanding of the structure and functioning of the Achaemenid Empire was its eastern lands, inhabited mainly by Iranian-speaking tribes, ethnically and culturally closely related to the Persians themselves, while the western, Mesopotamian influence on the process of its formation in the person of the New Assyrian and New Babylonian states was not as decisive as is usually assumed. The author collectively defines these eastern lands as "Eastern Iran", meaning by such a historical and geographical term the vast territory stretching from the Caspian Sea in the west to the Indus Valley in the east and from the shores of the Syr Darya in the north to the coast of the Arabian Sea in the south. In other words, if we follow the current political map, the term "Eastern Iran" used by him covers not only the eastern part of Iran proper, but also Afghanistan, Pakistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. Already in the Introduction, Vogelsang puts forward a working hypothesis, according to which the emergence and existence of the Achaemenid Persian power should be considered, at least for most of its Iranian provinces, as a continuation of previous processes in the development of the Iranian world, including the large-scale penetration of nomads from the north, from the Eastern Caspian region, into the territory of the Iranian plateau in the first half of the first millennium BC.- Scythians/the Saka and related tribes, as well as their important role in the subsequent administration of most of the eastern Achaemenid possessions.

Chapters 2-6 and are devoted to the actual verification of this hypothesis, for which a large amount of information is used and analyzed, which is contained in both ancient Persian and Arabic texts.

page 217

in classical (Greco-Roman) written sources, as well as in archaeological and iconographic materials from Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and western Central Asia (i.e., former Soviet Central Asia). The most important conclusions from this work are given in the final, 7th chapter.

In general, the author's concept can be summarized as follows. In the first millennium BC, migrations of Scythian (Saka) and related peoples from the steppe and desert areas of the Eastern Caspian region to the south, in the area of settled agricultural crops, played a huge role in the formation and history of the ancient Iranian statehood. First of all, this can be seen in the example of the formation of the Median power in Western and Northwestern Iran at the end of the seventh century BC. Its emergence, in turn, may well be comparable to the formation of the Arsacid Parthian Empire a few centuries later, whose nomadic founders, who came from the north, mixed with the settled population of the conquered Parthia-the region on both sides of the Turkmen-Khorasan Mountains. The appearance and activity of the Scythians at the end of the eighth and seventh centuries in Western Asia and Western Iran was a consequence of their displacement from the lands in the far northeast by the Massagets, who lived beyond the Arak River (Amu Darya or Syr Darya). After passing through the Eastern Caspian region and further along the Great Khorasan Road, the Scythians/The Saks ended up in the north-west of Iran, where one part of them settled in Mussels, another in Azerbaijan, and the third went in the direction of Anatolia. Historical Cimmerians, ethnically related to the Scythians, under pressure from groups arriving from the east, had to also join this movement. The newcomers, conventionally called "carriers of the Scythian cultural complex", brought new weapons to Western Iran (a short sword-akinak; a short complex bow suitable for horse shooting; three-bladed arrowheads; a quiver-burns; a battle axe-sagaris) and clothing (headdress-bashlyk, long narrow trousers, necessary for riding). Under their influence, the mass use of cavalry in military affairs began. By the sixth century BC, the peoples of a significant part of the Iranian plateau, not to mention the population of most of the territories in the northeast, were strongly influenced by the"Scythian cultural complex". It must be assumed that the representatives of the Scythian-Saka tribes were mainly the dominant class among the settled population, while other northern nomads continued to live in the steppes and deserts bordering the oasis lands.

For the time immediately preceding the emergence of the Achaemenid state around 550 BC, the Iranian world can be divided historically and culturally into two zones, but not in the traditional sense, i.e., into western and eastern, but into northern (Scythian) and southern. The first zone, which is characterized by a high degree of influence from the Eurasian steppe belt, stretches from Armenia and Cappadocia in the west through Media and Hyrkania to Parthia, Margiana, Bactria and then to Khorezm and Sogd in the northeast. The southern zone is represented by territories that can be divided into 1) lands that are not generally affected by Scythian influence (Gedrosia); 2) the so-called "transitional areas", in the cultural development of which elements of the "Scythian cultural complex" can be traced, although often insignificant (the author includes such areas). includes Pereda, which was indirectly affected by Scythian influence through the Medes, as well as Arachosia, Drangiana, Karmania, and Arya). It was in the northern, "Scythian" part of the Iranian plateau at the end of the 7th century BC. based on the mixing of a part of the alien Scythians and the autochthonous population, a powerful political association was formed with the center in Ekba-Tanakh - the Median Kingdom, which covered a vast territory from the Galis River (modern-day Kyzyl-Irmak River in Turkey) to Parthiene or even Aryans and Drangians in Eastern Iran, including also in the south of Pereda. The whole system of administrative administration of this state entity was based on personal connections between the Median monarch ("king of kings") and his entourage, who were in Ecbatani, on the one hand, and the local rulers ("kings") of the subject regions, on the other. Regardless of whether the kings of Media themselves were of Scythian origin or not, many of the heads of local administrations subordinate to them were probably Scythians. They were granted the right to rule over their subjects, in return for which they were obliged to pay tribute, and also, in recognition of the supreme authority of the "king of kings", to send their children to the royal court as hostages. In addition, it is likely that they should have presented themselves annually to the Median monarch in person, as was the case later in the practice of Achaemenid kings who organized similar reviews in Persepolis.

Cyrus II the Great, the founder of Achaemenid power, managed to defeat the latter

page 218

the king of the Medes, Astyages, considering himself at the same time the legitimate heir of the latter (being his grandson, according to Herodotus, or son-in-law, according to Ctesias) and claiming, of course, the Median kingdom in full. In fact, the conquering Persians continued to use the Median organization of power over the Iranian lands until the fall of their empire around 330 BC. e. They, placed at the very top of the already existing hierarchy of the Median-Scythian administration, did not destroy it; moreover, the Achaemenids preferred to preserve the former Median and Scythian rulers of the Iranian and non-Iranian regions in their places, considering those as intermediaries (intermediaries) of their power over the population of the empire. In general, the Achaemenid system of administrative administration consisted of several levels: the "king of kings"; local regional commanders; satraps appointed by the head of state to perform his functions locally. While the most important part of this system was the relationship between the Persian monarch and the local rulers, the introduction of the institution of satraps may have been due to the impossibility, due to the huge distances between different parts of the empire, of implementing rapid direct relations between the metropolitan court and local authorities, which, of course, was fraught with a threat to the stability of the

The rule of the Achaemenids was initially based on the recognition of their subjects in the person of local rulers of the regions of the Persian hegemony. In Eastern Iran, such regional leaders were often of Scythian origin, ruling the autochthonous Iranian (non-Scythian) population for several generations. To consolidate their power, these Scythians needed the support of the Achaemenids, who in turn were largely dependent on the former for maintaining their own control over their subject lands. By the way, it cannot be ruled out, although it is impossible to prove definitely, that the Achaemenids themselves were of Scythian / Saka or at least Eastern Iranian origin. This, in particular, can be indicated by the personal names of some Persian kings, such as Kambiz (it corresponds to the ethnonym "Cambodia", which in ancient Indian sources includes Iranian tribes living in the lands of the Indo-Iranian border) and Vishtaspa (this name was borne, for example, by the father of Darius I and the patron saint of the Eastern Iranian prophet Zarathustra). Be that as it may, both the Persians and the Scythians were objectively interested in maintaining a balance of mutual interests. And the success of this policy is obvious: during the invasion of Alexander the Great, troops from all parts of the Achaemenid East came to the aid of Darius III. However, when the Persian king was defeated at the battle of Gavgamela and later killed, this system collapsed.

A distinctive feature of the Achaemenid practice of public administration was the political instinct of the Persian monarchs. They were well aware of the benefits of adapting to pre-existing political realities, and so they delegated local authority to vassals representing the local ruling elite in exchange for their recognition of Persian hegemony. In other words, the Achaemenid kingdom was based not on military or economic power, but on the authority of the authorities, both the Persian "king of kings" and local rulers from among the Scythians and Medes. Together, they formed the dominant class in the larger expanse of the empire, which was thus truly the Iranian Empire.

This is in the most general terms the concept of W. Vogelsang regarding the organization of the Achaemenid state. If you describe it as a whole, then, on the one hand, it undoubtedly impresses with its originality. However, at the same time, it should be recognized that its main thesis - about the extremely important role of people from among the Central Asian nomads in the political and administrative structure of the lands subject to the Persians, primarily Eastern Iran - is a very interesting, but still only speculative hypothesis. In fact, the main argument of the author is based only on indirect premises. For example, when analyzing the depictions of delegations from Achaemenid-dominated lands on the Apadana reliefs in Persepolis (see Chapter 3), he suggests that it shows only representatives of the highest nobility of provincial society, and not its lower classes. Then, when considering the members of the delegations from Armenia and Cappadocia (i.e. He concludes that they, due to their difference in clothing from the autochthonous population of these lands, were the local rulers of the foreign, Scythian world, and the north-western regions of the empire), who were equipped with such characteristic elements of the "Median-Scythian cultural complex" as headdresses - bashlyks, long narrow trousers, and akinaki swords./ of Median origin. A similar conclusion, according to the author, can be extended, of course, to the north-eastern regions of Russia.

page 219

areas where the Scythian influence on political and cultural life should have been felt to an even greater extent. However, it seems that the example of costumes and weapons does not necessarily indicate the" Scythian " ethnic appearance of the ruling elite of the northern territories of the Achaemenid state, since the bashlyks, akinaks, etc. could simply have been borrowed from the Eurasian nomads, and nothing more, while the ordinary population continued to use traditional types of clothing and weapons - this is the main reason for this. If we talk about Armenia and Cappadocia. The same should be said about the north-eastern countries-Parthia, Arya, Bactria, Khorezm and Sogd, but perhaps with the difference that there "Scythian" men's clothing and military equipment were perceived not only in the aristocratic environment, but also in the lower social strata. In any case, the Scythian origin of the rulers of these regions remains unproven.

Further, based on his observations on the ethnicity of the Armenian and Cappadocian nobility, as well as based on the works of A.M. Khazanov on state formations among the nomads of Eurasia(1), Vogelsang suggests that the Median Kingdom was a stratified society in which the dominant class was the Median/Scythian conquerors who exercised control over the local population. by population. And it was this socio-political structure that was mostly inherited by the Achaemenids. But even here it should be recognized that such an interpretation of the composition of the ruling elite of the Median state is objectively devoid of strict evidence and is based only on indirect data from sources, including written reports about the political hegemony of the Scythians in the Near East, including Media, in the second half of the 7th century BC. the Scythian origin of the Median kings and their vassals is not mentioned. By the way, in this connection, the thesis about the possible Eastern Iranian (even if not necessarily Scytho-Saka) origin of the Achaemenid dynasty, put forward by the author after J. Harmatta, is also very controversial(2) based on onomastics data analysis. The fact is that such Persian names as Kambiz and Vishtaspa are not at all specific only to eastern Iranians(3).

It is also difficult to agree with the author of the monograph on the role of Achaemenid satraps, to whom he assigns mainly the functions of royal representatives in the provinces as intermediaries between the king himself and local authorities. In fact, the satraps, who were usually appointed from the Persians, occupied a very important place in the administration of many large areas of the state, exercising full civil and often military power in them (4). And it is no coincidence that, for example, it was the Bactrian satrap Bess, who commanded the most efficient military contingent recruited in the eastern regions at Gavgamela, who, after the defeat and death of the last Persian monarch Darius III, attempted to restore the Achaemenid power in Eastern Iran. For a very high-ranking official who had no real power in this part of the empire, even setting up such a task would be unthinkable.

Nevertheless, despite all these observations, it is impossible not to note the strengths of Vogelsang's work. Thus, a very thorough and diverse source base of the study attracts attention, covering written evidence of a historical and geographical nature, monuments of fine art and archaeological materials. Chapter 6 is specifically devoted to the latter, and it should be recognized that it is a rare serious attempt by a Western scientist to draw on data related to the following issues:

(1) Khazanov A.M. The Early State among the Eurasian Nomads // The Study of the State. The Hague-Paris-New York. 1981. P. 155-175; idem. Nomads and the Outside World. Cambr., 1984. P. 228-302.

(2) Harmatta J. The Rise of the Old Persian Empire. Cyrus the Great // AAASH. 1971. Т. XIX. Fasc. 1-2. P. 4-8.

(3) I refer here to the authoritative opinion of the well-known Iranian scholar V. A. Livshits, expressed to the reviewer in a private conversation. In his opinion, Vogelsang's theory about the "Scythian" background of the Median and Achaemenid Empires is not supported in linguistic materials, since to date no reliable Scythian elements have been identified in what is known about the Median and Old Persian languages (but at the same time, it can be argued that the Median rather significantly influenced the language of the Middle East). on the vocabulary of Old Persian).

(4) See Dandamaev M. A., Lukonin V. G. Kul'tura i ekonomika drevnego Irana [Culture and Economy of ancient Iran], Moscow, 1980, pp. 108-118. It remains unclear why the author of the peer-reviewed monograph ignored this extremely important generalizing study on Achaemenid Iran, which should be well known to him (at least in English translation: Dandamaev MA? Lukonin V.G. The Culture and Social Institutions of Ancient Iran. Cambr. etc., 1989).

page 220

of the Early Iron Age, from archaeological excavations at monuments of the former Soviet Central Asia, which are largely key to solving the issues raised in the monograph [5]. As a result of a serious interpretive analysis, the author managed to create a rather impressive picture of the historical and cultural development of Iran in the period from the beginning of the first millennium to the fourth century BC. Some of his ideas deserve the closest attention. First of all, it is a hypothesis about the route of the Scythian-Saka tribes in the VIII-VI1 centuries BC to the Middle East not through the Caucasus, but through the Eastern Caspian and the Iranian plateau. This movement in its cultural and political consequences can be put (though not as directly as it is stated in the monograph, but with some reservations) on a par with the invasions of nomads from the steppes of Central Asia in the III-II centuries. in Parthia and Bactria, which eventually led to the formation of the Arshakid, Kushan and Indo-Scythian states. No less interesting is the attempt to substantiate the very early penetration, at least in the Achaemenid period, of Scythian/Saka tribes to the south-to the valley of the Kabul River and Dardistan (the area in the upper reaches of the river). Indus)(6), with subsequent extension of their cultural influence to Taxila (Gandhara). However, the main argument in favor of the latter is the appearance in the Taxil of Aristobulus (in Strabo's transfer, and, by the way, in passage XV. 1. 62 from his "Geography", and not XV. 1. 28 sqq., as indicated in the text of the monograph on p. 239) of the custom of exposing corpses to predators precisely under the influence of northern nomads - does not seem convincing, since this funeral rite, designed to clean bones from soft tissues in accordance with the requirements of the Russian Federation. The Zoroastrian faith was very widely spread among the settled Eastern Iranian peoples (Bactrians, etc.) [7] and thus cannot be considered as something particularly specific only for the cult practice of the ancient Iranian-speaking nomads.

Continuing the theme of the merits of the reviewed work, it should be recognized that the proposal contained there seems quite reasonable to consider pre-Achaemenid and Achaemenid Iran divided in historical and cultural terms not into western and eastern, but northern and southern zones, with the obvious presence of cultural elements from the Eurasian steppe zone in the former. It goes without saying that both this and all the other provisions listed above need further careful elaboration.

If we talk about the relationship between the Central Asian steppe tribes and the Achaemenids, it is quite obvious that the former really had a strong impact on the socio-political institutions of the Persian Empire. First of all, this applies to the sphere of military affairs. So, it is well known that the Scythian/the Saka contingents occupied a very significant place in the structure of the Persian army, especially during major military campaigns (such as the Battle of Marathon, the campaign of Xerxes in Greece and the battle of Gavgamela) and that the Saks served in Persian garrisons stationed in Babylonia, Egypt and other countries(8). It is also significant that after the defeat of Darius III in his struggle against Alexander the Great in the very north-east of the Achaemenid empire, in Central Asia, there was the only center of serious resistance to the invaders for the whole of Eastern Iran, and the tribes called Scythians and Dahs in ancient sources played a prominent role in the anti-Macedonian movements led by Bess and especially Spitamen and massagetami (see Chapter 5). Therefore, although the central thesis of Vogelsang seems far from indisputable, in general, his book is an important contribution to the study of the role of nomadic peoples in the formation and development of the ancient Iranian civilization of the imperial era. And it is rather the misfortune of its author, and not the fault that in the sources that have come down to us there is no direct evidence in support of his work.

(5) For the sake of justice, it should be noted that the Russian-language scientific literature on this issue is still insufficiently used, and this is especially true for publications of the 80s. However, the reason for this lies rather not in the notorious Western saying: "Rossica non leguntur", but in the difficulties of getting these publications abroad for quite objective reasons.

(6) The point of view that a significant group of Saka tribes lived in eastern Afghanistan and in areas in the north-west of the Indian subcontinent no later than the sixth century BC has already been expressed in the scientific literature: see E. A. Grantovsky. Central Asia in the Kushan Era, vol. II, Moscow, 1975, pp. 86-89; Litvinsky B. A. Drevniye kochevniki "Kryshy mira" (Ancient Nomads "Roofs of the World"), Moscow, 1972, pp. 164-167.

(7) See, for example: Latvian B. A., Sedov A.V. Tepai-shah (Culture and Communications of Kushan Bactria), Moscow, 1983, pp. 107-116.

(8) Dandamaev, Lukonin. Uk. soch. p. 229 el.

page 221

a very attractive concept, but still based mainly on scientific intuition and logical analysis of the entire set of indirect data. Be that as it may, we are dealing with a very serious study, the topic of which goes far beyond the problem of the origin of the Achaemenid Empire and its structure, and which objectively can hardly be ignored when studying in the future the most diverse aspects of the history and culture of the early state formations on the territory of the Iranian plateau and Central Asia.

Permanent link to this publication: