The Oks Temple was discovered and excavated in 1976-1991. The South Tajik Archaeological Expedition of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Tajikistan and the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences (head of the expedition-B. A. Litvinsky, head of the team-I. R. Pichikyan). The temple is located in the Kobadi district of the Republic of Tajikistan, on the border with Afghanistan, at the place where the Vakht River flows into the Panj River, forming the Amu Darya, one of the largest rivers in Central Asia. The course of excavations, the description of the temple and individual finds have been repeatedly covered in the press, including on the pages of VDI, so there is no need to dwell on this again; I will refer only to one of the latest publications (1).

The preparation of a full publication of the excavation results showed that this would require four volumes. Draft version of a significant part of volume I " The Hellenistic Temple of Oxus in Bactria. Southern Tajikistan. Excavations. Architecture. Cults and Ritual" was prepared jointly by I. R. Pichikyan and myself, and after the death of I. R. Pichikyan, I largely revised the materials of the volume. This volume is currently in print and will be published in the first half of 2000. Volume II on the Bactrian armament in the Greek and Far Eastern context has been completed. The following two volumes are in the process of being prepared: one examines monuments of art and musical culture, and the other examines material culture and ceramics.

In the process of understanding the results of the excavations, many complex and controversial problems were identified (on which, by the way, the points of view of the co-authors often differed), as well as individual mistakes made during the excavations. In this article, I will try to highlight several such problems. I would also like to note that Western scientists are participating in the discussion on a number of issues. Among them is the leading expert on Eastern Hellenism, the head of the Ai Khanum excavations, Academician P. Bernard. His comments and suggestions are always important and stimulating, even if the author of this article does not fully agree with them.

1. Litvinsky В.A., Pichikian I.R. The Hellenistic Architecture and Art of the Temple of the Oxus // The Archeology and Art of Central Asia Studies from the Former Soviet Union / Ed. B.A. Litvinsky, C.A. Bromberg. Michigan, 1996.

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Long-term excavations have revealed almost the entire territory of the temple, including temenos. It would seem that under these circumstances, a sufficient amount of materials should have been obtained for an unambiguous answer to the question of the time of construction of the temple. However, there are significant difficulties here. Purely archaeological facts are reduced to the fact that fragments of ceramics from the Achaemenid period were found in the clay dough of brick seams (observations by A. Druzhinina, a participant in the excavations), which could most likely have fallen into the solution in the post-Achaemenid period.

Let's turn to the architecture of the temple. Its architectural and compositional scheme is the fruit of a long architectural evolution that dates back to the first millennium BC (2) and continued in various versions until the early Middle Ages. Similar structures-the temples of fire at Susa, Persepolis, and the lower temple at Kuhi Khwaja (3) - date back to the Achaemenid period, but there are also later analogies.

The temple is built of square mud bricks measuring 50-52x50-52x14-16 cm. In Eastern Iran, such bricks were used in the construction of the first phase of Dahani-Gulaman [4]. Occasionally, this brick format is found in Bactria (Dilberjin, Kalai-Kafirnigan) and in Parthia (Garry-Kariz). On the South Khorezmian monument of Elkharas, it is recorded in masonry of the IV century BC. e. In Ai-Khanum, square bricks were also used, but in a smaller format (5). Analysis of the size of bricks does not give an exact date, such bricks could have been used in the V-III centuries BC.

The columns of the temple of Oxus had a two-stage pedestal and a removable torus. They find the closest analogies both in the bases of the columns of Persepolis and in the relatively small bases of non-royal buildings in the vicinity of Persepolis, which are close to the bases of the temple of Oxus both in size and proportions (6).

The Ionic capital found during the excavations of the temple can be dated most accurately. She finds a close analogy in the architectural details of the Temple of Athena in Priene, and here it should be borne in mind that there were two periods (or phases) in the construction of this temple. This issue is covered in detail in the literature, both in general works on Greek architecture, and in special works by G. Schrader, M. Shede, G. Drerup, G. Kleiner, W. Koenigs, and especially D. Carter (7). The latter showed that the chronological gap between the phases is small: the first phase of construction ended before 323. (date of Alexander's death), the second-dates back to the 90th years of the III century BC. The capital from the temple of Oxus finds analogies among the Greek capitals of the IV-W centuries BC, first of all, among the capitals of Asia Minor (8).

I. R. Pichikyan believed that the capital should refer to the time of Alexander the Great. A detailed analysis of the ornamentation of the capital (9) allowed me, following P. Bernard, to come to the conclusion that the capital of the temple of Oxus must date from

2. Latvijskij B. A. K genezisu arkhitekturno-planirovochnykh skhemy vostochnoi iranskogo hellenizma [Towards the genesis of architectural and planning schemes of Eastern Iranian Hellenism].

3. See about them: Schippmann K. Die iranische Feuerheiligtumer. V.-N.Y., 1971; Stronach D. On the Evolution of the Early Iranian Fire Temples / / Acta Iranica. 1985. 25; Pichikyan I. R. Composition of the Oks Temple in the context of architectural comparisons. byull. MAITSKA, Moscow, 1987, Issue 12.

4. Mariani L. The Operation Carried out by the Italian Restoration Mission in Sistan 1975-1976 Campaign. Roma, 1977. P. 36-37; Scerrato U. Evidence on Religious Life at Dahan-i Gulaman, Sistan // South Asian Archeology 1977. V. II. Napoli, 1979. P. 713, 730.

5. Bernard P. Fouilles d'Ai Khanoum. T. I. P., 1973. P. 9. Tabl. 97; Veyve S. Le gymnase (Fouilles d'Ai Khanoum. T. VI). P., 1987. P. 8-13; Rapin C. Le tresorerie du palais hellenistique d'Ai Khanoum. L'apogee et la chute de royaume grec de Bactriane. P., 1992. P. 16.

6. For the origin, evolution, and proportions of bases of this type, see Wesenberg B. Kapitelle und Basen. Beobachtungen zur Entstehung der griechischen Saulenformen. Diisseldorf, 1971.

7. Carter J.C. The Sculpture of the Sanctuary of Athena Polias at Priene. L., 1983.

8. Bingol 0. Das ionische Normalkapitell in hellenistischer und romischer Zeit in Kleinasien. Tiibingen, 1980.

9. See especially Ganzert J. Zur Entwicklung lesbyscher Kynnationformen // JDAI. 1983. 98; Raumscheid F. Untersuchungen zur kleinasiatischen Bauomamentik des Hellenismus. Text, Katalog. Mainz, 1994.

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not by the time of Alexander the Great, but by the beginning of the sixth century BC, i.e., by the time of the early Seleucids (10).

It follows that the temple itself was built at this time, most likely when the co-ruler of Seleucus I in the East was his son Antiochus, i.e. in the period between 293 and 281 BC. e. The construction of such a large temple should have required the mobilization of significant human and material resources. All this is quite consistent with the character of Antiochus ' Eastern activity (11) and is supported by numismatic finds - six paintings of Antiochus I were found in the temple (12).

At first glance, the composition of clothing finds from the temple is paradoxical. In total, more than 8 thousand objects dating from the VI century BC to the III-IV centuries AD were found. In this connection, the earliest group of finds is of interest. The analysis showed that this series of finds belongs to the VI-IV centuries BC, and among them there are Achaemenid (including provincial) and Greek works of art and weapons. These are a silver plate with opposing panthers, a shield with an emblem in the form of a triskelion, an ivory akinak scabbard with the image of a lion holding a deer, a gold plate with a Bactrian leading a camel, an ivory mahaira handle in the form of a griffin's head, pommels with the head of a calf (13) , etc.

The vaults of this all-Bactrian sanctuary once contained a large number of items made of gold and silver, but almost all of them are missing. Where are they? I. R. Pichikyan and I suggested that the items of the famous Amu Darya hoard (14) once formed part of the treasures of the Oks Temple. The exact location of its discovery was unknown, but the study of the reports of Russian travelers allowed T. I. Zeymal and E. V. Zeymal to assert that it happened in the area of Takhti-Kubad (15) (5 km south of the citadel of the Takhti-Sangin settlement with its Oxa temple). However, in 1962, the temple of Oks had not yet been excavated and its presence was not taken into account.

In connection with these excavations, I again reviewed the Russian historiography of the question of the second half of the XIX century, as well as old maps, which allowed us to extract new evidence. The famous English scholar D. Curtis published new and previously unknown materials from the English archives, the English and Indian press [16]. All these reports allow us to state that in 1876-1880. (possibly up to

10. Bernard P. La temple du dieu Oxus a Takht-i Sangin en Bactriane: temple du feu ou pas? // Studia Iranica. 1994. 23/1. P. 82; Litvinsky B. A., Pichikian L. R. The Ionic Capital from the Temple of the Oxus (Northern Bactria) / / Iranica Antiqua. 1998. XXXIII (with justification of points of view).

11. Litvinsky B. A. Srednaya Aziya [Central Asia]. Seleucid time / / ' Istoriya tadzhikskogo naroda [History of the Tajik people]. T. I. Drevneyshiya i drevnyaya istoriya [Ancient and ancient history] / Ed.by B. A. Litvinsky and B. A. Ranov. Dushanbe, 1998. pp. 326-333.

12. Zeimal E. Coins from the Excavations of Takht-i Sangin (1976- 1991) // Studies in Silk Road Coins and Culture. Papers in Honour of Ikuo Hirayama. Kamakura, 1997. P. 91-92.

13. Litvinsky B. A., Pichikyan I. R. Akinak's scabbard from Bactria // VDI. 1981. N 3; they are the same. Golden plates from the temple of Oxus (Northern Bactria) / / VDI. 1992. N 3; they are the same. Achaemenid handle crowned with the head of a griffin / / VDI. 1993. N 4; Litvinsky B. A., Pichikian l. R. Panterae Antecedents. A Corinthian Motif in Bactria // EW. N.S. 1992. 42/1; iidem. A Rhyton from Takhti Sangin. // Acient Civilization from Scythia to Siberia. V. 1/3. Leiden, 1994; iidem. An Attic Shield with Triskelion from the Temple of the Oxus (A Discovery of an Archaic Emblem from Athens in Southern Bactria) // Ibid. V. 4/2. Leiden, 1997, et al.

14. This is the Amu Darya hoard, or the Oxus Hoard, in the British Museum; see Dalton O. M. Treasure of the Oxus. 3rd ed. I.., 1964; Zeymal E. V. Amudarya treasure trove. Exhibition Catalog, L., 1979. The very term "Amu Darya treasure" entered science after the publication appeared: Tolstoy I.. Konenkov N. Russian antiquities in the monuments of art. V. K. Drevnosti scifo-sarmaticheskie [Ancient Scythian-Sarmatian Traditions], St. Petersburg, 1889, p. 129. Belonging to this treasure trove of objects found near Kabul and got to Japan, has not yet been proven.

15. Zeimal T. I., Zeimal E. V. Once again about the place of finding of the Amudarya treasure. Izv. Otd. obshchestv. Academy of Sciences of the Tajik SSR. Dushanbe, 1962. Issue 1 (28).

16. Curtis J. Franks and Oxus Treasure // Franks A.W. Ninetenth Century Collecting and the British Museum / Ed. Caygill.J. Cherry. L, 1997.

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1886) somewhere near the confluence of Vakhsh with Panj, local residents found a large collection of gold and silver items. The exact location of the find cannot be determined. The following reconstruction of the origin of the Amu Dar-in treasure is supposed. At the approach of some enemy, probably nomads, the priests took gold and silver objects and coins from the vaults and secretly buried them on the bank of the river terrace (near the temple or at any distance from it-the dispute about this in this case loses its meaning). They were not destined to take their things back, and after more than two thousand years, the river washed away the shore and the treasures were collected by local residents.

Another question arises: why was the temple built in this isolated area with its rather harsh natural conditions? P. Bernard noted that the construction of the temple was in line with the religious policy of Seleucus I and symbolically reflected the role of irrigation in this agricultural province (17).

It seems to me that it is quite likely that the site for the temple at the confluence of the Vakhsh and Panj and the formation of the Amu Darya (ancient Oxus), where the most important river streams of Bactria were connected and how water was born and distributed, personified in the image of the water deity and related deities, was also chosen because it was undoubtedly located here an earlier sanctuary dating back to the Achaemenid period and dedicated to the great River Oka. The large number of votives from the Achaemenid period in the storehouses of the temple of Oxus, which date back to the Hellenistic period, most likely indicates that this group of votives was accumulated in an earlier temple, which either fell into disrepair at the time of the construction of the temple of Oxus or did not reflect the requests of the customers and builders of the new temple.

The political history of Bactria in the Achaemenid and Hellenistic periods spans four centuries (the end of the VI-II centuries BC). As history shows, despite all the differences between these two eras in political and cultural life, there was an indissoluble connection, continuity and even deliberate copying of Achaemenid traditions in the most important areas, in particular, in the most monumental of the arts - architecture.

Excavations at Takhti-Sangin led to the discovery of the Oxa temple complex, the almost complete opening of its structures and the partial fortification of the citadel of the ancient city, the discovery of a huge fund of various archaeological objects, coins and art monuments dating from the VI century BC to the VI century AD. one of the two most important and representative monuments of Hellenistic Bactria, which radically changed our understanding of its archeology, architecture, art, and religion. The materials of the excavations allow us to introduce a new element into the complex of concepts related to the Bactrian-Hellenistic interaction and the future fate of Hellenistic culture, its role and influence in the post-Hellenistic period. This problem is important not only for Bactria, but also for the whole of Central Asia and India. It has received coverage in the works of many foreign authors published recently, and their approaches are quite different [18].

We pointed out above that in the temple of Oxus, the Pre-Eastern, especially Achaemenid, architectural tradition can be traced very clearly. This is extremely important in connection with the problem of the essence of the Seleucid state discussed in modern science. P. Briand made an in-depth review of current trends in understanding this problem. Some historians, he writes, continue to turn to the idea of colonization ideology and practice. At the same time, doubts are expressed about the justice of the law itself.

17. Bernard Р. L'Asie Centrale et I'Empire seleucide // Topoi. Orient-Occident. 1992. 4/2. P. 509.

18. См. Sherwin-White S., Kuhrt A. From Samarkand to Sardis. A New Approach to the Seleucid Empire. I... 1993 and articles by E. Bill, A. Kurt and S. Sherwin-White, P. Briand, J. Le Reeder, P. Bernard, O. Bonacci, A. Invernizzi, P. Lerish, B. Lionnet, K. Rapin, M. Isameddinov, J.-F. Sallya (Topoi. 1994. V. 4/2).

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the concept of "Hellenization of the East", and such a major researcher as E. Wil believes that at present there is no historian who would seriously believe in the idea of deep Hellenization of Middle Eastern society. In the works of other researchers, attention is focused on identifying the original roots of continuous local traditions and the ubiquitous continuityof economic relations. P. Briand himself, both in these and previous works (19), points out the close ties of the Seleucid state and society with the Achaemenid one, noting that it is necessary to keep in mind the connections not only with the Achaemenids, but also with the Assyro-Babylonian and Elamite predecessors. In conclusion, P. Briand comes to a cautious conclusion: "It seems that in the Hellenistic period, the Greek Macedonians simply added their traditions to the multiethnolinguistic state. But we do not know whether they did not want to, or were not able to bring all this to uniformity, at least to fuse it all into something common, the center of which would be their own socio-cultural values "(20). The excavations of Takhti-Sangin added new information about the real content of these complex processes, and we hope to return to their analysis in future publications.

The repertoire of finds dating back to the Hellenistic period is extremely extensive. It includes a whole series of works of Hellenistic art imported and made in Bactria, and the local Hellenistic sculpture can be traced to the influence of the Lysippus school. Numerous finds of scabbards of ceremonial Greek swords open up new opportunities in the study of Greek weapons. Some items of material culture, in particular ivory furniture legs with a base in the form of a lion's paw, follow Greek patterns. Also unique is the set of links of bone flutes, one of which was even equipped with a valve. We cannot here even briefly describe the Hellenistic treasures of the temple of Oxus; some of them have been published, while others are in print.

The grandeur of this large temple and the richness of its treasures evoke associations with Western Hellenistic temples, give rise to hypotheses about the existence of a temple economy and not only the religious, but also the political and economic role of the Oxus temple. The materials of the excavations are also extremely important when discussing some other general historical issues. Comparison of the Oksa temple with Ai-Khanum shows their fundamental differences. Ai-Khanum was a polis-governed Greek polis with a predominantly Hellenic population that spoke Greek and worshipped Greek gods. The number of native Bactrians here was limited, and they were obviously completely Hellenized. The architecture is intertwined with Hellenic, Ancient Eastern and Bactrian elements. Takhti-Sangin was inhabited mainly by the Bactrian population, who professed the local religion, but also partly by Greek, who undoubtedly spoke two languages. Here, in the spiritual and material spheres, the introduction of Hellenic elements and the Greco - Bactrian synthesis are noticeable. In the architecture of the temple of Oxus, the Pre-Eastern, especially Achaemenid traditions are very strong, while the Greek ones were expressed in stone modifications: altars and column capitals.

The cults and rituals of Hellenistic Bactria are just beginning to be studied. The problem of religious beliefs and cults associated with the Oxus temple is extremely complex. The presence of two ateshgahs probably indicates the cult of the water god and the cult of the royal fire. Modern Zoroastrians have only one permanent main altar of fire in their temples; the situation seems to have been different in ancient times. The specific forms of this cult can be judged from the late Zoroastrian writings,

19. Briant Р. Brigandage, dissidence et conquete en Asie achemenide et hellenistique // DHA. 1976. 2; idem. Colonisation hellenistique et populations indigenes, I-II//Klio. 1977. 60; 1982. 65; idem. The Seleucid Kingdom, the Achaemenid Empire and the History of the Near East in the First Millenium B.C. // Religion and Religions Practice in the Seleucid Kingdom. Aarhus, 1990.

20. Briant. The Seleucid Kingdom... P. 40-41.

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ancient and medieval sources, religious practices of modern Zoroastrians in Iran and India. We believe that the Oxus temple was the central or one of the central fire temples of the whole area, and the fire cult was not the only temple cult. But at some stage Greek altars of typical Hellenistic form were also installed in the temple, and Greek deities were also venerated. Bactrian cults and rituals thus got along peacefully with Greek ones. The very fact of such a radical dualism is significant.

Obviously, there were several Hellenization zones in Bactria: a zone of compact settlement of Hellenes in polis and military colonies, where the entire culture was of the same type as Ai - Khanum, and another zone - areas of close Hellenic-Bactrian ethno-cultural and religious contacts. There are two possible models here. The first is the inclusion of certain elements of Hellenic culture in the context of a foreign cultural environment without significantly rethinking them. In Bactria, the Greek language and written language were widely spread (21). The second model is related to the internal transformation (of various kinds and degrees) of the semantic content of certain images, customs, or rituals. One of the variants of this model is to correlate a foreign cultural phenomenon with an isomorphic phenomenon in a given culture and include it in the system of this culture in an unchanged or slightly modified form with the same or hybrid content (for example, votive Atrosoka) [22]. Finally, there is another model (zone), where only certain elements of Hellenic material and spiritual culture penetrated the local environment. On the territory of Bactria and adjacent areas, these were some architectural details (especially stone column bases, roof tiles), ceramics, etc. This is not only about importing, but also about borrowing and distributing forms and techniques. The types of construction equipment and architecture developed in the zones of Hellenistic influence, such as the Hellenistic Central Asian fortification [23], played an important role in the further evolution of the culture of Central Asia. These processes occurred not only in Bactria, but with various variations in other regions of Central Asia, in particular, as shown by P. Bernard and K. Rapin, also in Sogdiana (24).

Of course, the boundaries of the respective ranges and at least the approximate number of Hellenes in them are unknown. As A. B. Bosworth rightly believes: "We have no information about how many cities were founded (by Alexander) in Bactria and Sogdiana, but there were clearly many of them, and if you add to them local garrisons and soldiers in the armies of territorial satraps, they represented a concentration of European settlers that has no parallels anywhere else in the empire "(25).

Further development of culture (in the broadest sense) In a number of important areas of Central Asia, it was based on the local Hellenistic or Hellenized substrate or retained features associated with it. It is impossible to simply list all the main facts here, just to name a few. After the fall of the Greco-Bactrian kingdom, the Greek language ceased to be widely spoken relatively soon; on the contrary, Greek-based writing continued for several more centuries, under the Kushans and Hephthalites, until the seventh century.

21. Chmitt R. Vx occidenie lux. Griechen und griechische Sprache im hellcnistischen Fernen O.sten / Beitrage zur hellenisti.schcn Literatur und ihre Reception in Rom / Hrsg. von Steinmetz. Stuttgart, 1990. S. 53.

22. Litvinsky B. A., Vinogradov K. G., Pichikyan I. R. Votive Atrosok from the temple of Oxus in Northern Bactria.

23. Rupin S.. Isumeddinov M. Fortifications hellenistique.s de Samarkande (Samarkand-Afrasiab) // Topoi. Orient-Occident. 1994. 4/2.

24. Bernard P. Maracanda-Afrasiab colonie grecque // La Persia e 1'Asia Centrale da Alessandro al X secole. Roma. 1996.

25. Roaworth A.B. Conquest and Empire. The Reign of Alexander the Great. Cambr., 1980. P. 248.

26. Sims-Williams N. New Bactrian documents / / VDI. 1997. N 3.

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In other areas of Central Asia, Greek-written works were preserved until the 11th and 12th centuries. The early period of development of Islamic science and philosophy with their powerful Hellenistic layer is associated with cultural processes in the Near East. So it was considered until recently. But after the discovery of the philosophical text in Ai-Khanum (27), it became clear that the writings of Greek philosophers came to the territory of Central Asia, and it is impossible to exclude the possibility that they continued to exist in originals or translations for many centuries. Certain lines of succession can also be traced in the field of religion. Not only the temple of Oxus, but also its Greek stone altars were not destroyed during the Yuezhi conquest and in the Kushan period, and were obviously used. In Central Asia, in the Kushan and post-Kushan times, the custom of placing the "obol of Charon" in the mouth of the deceased persisted (28). A number of characters and motifs of Greek mythology were included in the iconographic repertoire of Kushan and post-Kushan times. Images of Zeus, Helios, Athena, Selene, the Dioscuri, Heracles, Eros, and other characters (29), gradually undergoing barbarization, were preserved for a long time in Central Asian art. In the coroplasty of Sogd of the V-VIII centuries. There are reminiscences of ancient plastic art [30], the Central Asian poets also produced bowls with illustrations to the tragedies of Euripides, although, perhaps, not understanding their meaning, they allowed distortions [31], and in Sogd (in Panjikent) purely Hellenistic motifs were preserved in decorative decoration. The influence of Hellenistic art on the development of Bactrian-Kushan and Gandharic art, on its style and iconography, is even more significant.

No less significant is the Hellenistic contribution, which indirectly entered the development of ancient and early medieval architecture. The order systems of the Kushan and Early Medieval times (32) originate from the ancient order systems, while undergoing fundamental changes and transformations. This applies to both the column itself and its elements. In subsequent architectural structures, such architectural compositions as the four-columned hall in the outline of corridors and the columned ivan, presented in the temple of Oxus, received various development and application. Many types of material culture, in particular ceramics, owe their appearance and technique to the Hellenistic era.

It can be assumed that the Eastern Hellenistic cities influenced the parallel local ones and the further development of Central Asian urbanism. The influence went in many directions, ranging from fortification, planning, building types, landscaping to the internal structure of the city and city government. The latter confirms the presence of Bactrians in the city administration of Ai Khanum. It is also possible to assume the interaction between the social and economic structures of the Greek and Bactrian populations, which formed a single cultural and historical Greek-Bactrian phenomenon.

The works of art from the Oxa Temple in Takhti Sangin and Ai Khanum fully represent not only the monumental and applied arts, but also the culture of Hellenistic Bactria in general. The stimulator of the Hellenization of Bactrian art and culture after 329 BC was: the forcible establishment of Macedonian political power, the foundation of new Hellenistic poleis and fortresses, and the creation of new Hellenistic cities.

27. Rapin С. Les textes litteraires grecs de la tresorerie d'Ai Khanoum // BCH. 1987. 111/1; Hadot P. Les textes litteraires Grecs de la tresorerie d' A'i Khanoum // Ibid.

28. Litvinsky B. A., Sedoe A. B. Kulty i ritualy kushanskoi Baktrii [Cults and rituals of Kushan Bactria]. Funeral rite, Moscow, 1984, pp. 150-160.

29. See, in particular: Rosenfield J. M. The Dynastic Art of the Kushans. Berkeley-Los Angeles, 1967. P. 14-26; Sirianidi V. I. Temple and necropolis of Tillatepe. M., 1989. p. 46 el.

30. Meshkeris V. A. Hellenistic images in the coroplasty of Central Asia // Antiquity and ancient traditions in the culture and art of the peoples of the Soviet East. Moscow, 1978.

31. Marshak B. I. Bactrian bowls //In the same place.

32. Voronina V. L. Constructs and artistic image in the architecture of the East, Moscow, 1977.

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the architecture of which was dominated by local and Eastern influences. In Hellenistic times, during the period of Bactria's entry into the Seleucid state, and then the flourishing of an independent Greco-Bactrian state, contacts with Greek cities in the Mediterranean were regular. They were also provided by subsequent waves of colonization, as evidenced by the art schools that reflected the direct influence of Seleucid art.

When summarizing the discussion of the most important problems of the Bactrian culture of the Achaemenid period, it should be emphasized that currently the information obtained as a result of archaeological excavations is relatively small. Only the existence of Achaemenid strata is recorded, while the cities themselves remain unexplored due to massive subsequent developments. As before, the main indications of the existence of Bactrian cities of the Achaemenid period are only written testimonies of ancient authors, but they are also extremely limited. These sources report the typology of cities, which is confirmed by archaeological research: large metropolitan centers, small towns and border fortress cities, the presence of an acropolis, palace, and temple in the capitals of the upper satrapies. In general, this structure, which was formed under the Achaemenids, was borrowed and developed by Alexander, but the royal power was already based on the Hellenic polis political organization, which necessarily requires other additional architectural complexes (33).

The monumentality of the Oxus Temple, the exceptional perfection of its building structures, the development of construction techniques, and the overall high standard of construction are clear evidence of the high level of ancient Bactrian architecture, which has gone through a long path of development since the Bronze Age, interacted with the architectural traditions of the ancient peoples of the Middle East and was enriched by the experience of Hellenistic architecture.

For a correct understanding of the Oksa temple, it is compared in an architectural and archaeological context with the temples of fire of Suz, Kuhi Khwaja and Persepolis, both typologically closest in terms of architectural composition and time of operation, and fundamentally different temples with a statue of the deity (Ai-Khanum, Dilberjin). Special attention is paid to the first group of monuments. As our research has shown, the defining feature for attribution of these fire temples is the ateshgahs on the facade of the temple, as well as the presence of sacred ash storage facilities within the temple territory.

The Temple of Oxus is a classic example of the Bactrian temple of Fire. The compositional and architectural principles and ideas embodied in it played an important role in the further development of fire temples and temple architecture in general, both in Bactria-Tokharistan, as well as in Parthia, Khorezm, Sughd and other regions of Central Asia.

In this article, unfortunately, I had to confine myself to just a few references to some monuments, because the coverage of all this material, as well as the evolution of the fire cult and the nature of temple life in Central Asia at the turn of our era - I millennium AD, goes far beyond its scope and should be the subject of another study.

The formation of the architectural and artistic East Hellenistic koine in the vast territory of the East contributed to the development of fine arts and the subsequent flourishing of its local schools with their powerful local (in this case, Achaemenid-Bactrian) tradition. At this stage, ethnic, religious and cultural components formed a unique Greco-Bactrian cultural phenomenon.

From all that has been said, it is clear that the impact of Hellenism on Central Asian society and its culture, contrary to the opinion of P. Briand and his supporters, was multi-factorial and quite profound. This leads to a more general conclusion: not only did Western European civilization grow on the foundations of antiquity, but the foundations of Central Asian civilization also included powerful Hellenistic foundations.

33. Koshelenko G. A. Grecheskiy polis na hellenisticheskom Vostoke [Greek Polis in the Hellenistic East]. Moscow, 1979.

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THE BACTRIAN TEMPLE OF OXUS AND THE EAST IRANIAN HELLENISM

B.A. Litvinsky

The Bactrian temple of Oxos was discovered and unearthed in 1976-1999 by the South Tajikistan archaeological expedition of Tajikistan Academy of Sciences and the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences (director of the expedition: B.A. Litvinsky, detachment head: I.R. Pichikyan).

Many complex and disputable problems were discussed during the analysis of the results (the coauthors of the excavation themselves sometimes had divergent opinions). Some Western scholars took part in the discussion. Of special importance were the observations made by P. Bernard.

Considering the question of the time when the temple was built, B.A. Litvinsky concludes that it was not at the time of Alexander the Great (as I.R. Pichikyan thought), but rather when Seleucus' son Antiochus was his co-ruler in the East, i.e. between 293 and 281 ВС.

Analyzing possible relations of the Amu-Darya hoard and the Temple of Oxos, the author proposes the following historical reconstruction. Originally the objects and coins of the hoard were preserved in the temple. In view of approaching enemies (perhaps nomads) the priests buried the treasure by the riverside. After more than two thousand years the river washed away the bank and the hoard was found out. There is also a hypothesis that the temple was founded by the Seleucids in place of an old temple or near it, and its treasure was transferred to the Temple of Oxos. This could explain the abundance of objects from the Achaemenid period.

The problem of Achaemenid and Hellenistic traditions in the Temple of Oxos is also discussed. The idea of several hellenization areas with various extent of hellenization and Hellenistic-Bactrian synthesis is put forward. The last part of the article considers the role of Hellenistic culture and art in the development of post-Hellenistic Central Asia civilizations.

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