On April 8, 2009, the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences hosted the 12th annual conference organized by the Department of Southeast Asian Studies of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences and dedicated to current socio-economic and political problems and trends in the development of Southeast Asian countries at the regional and country levels. Special attention was paid to the impact of the global financial and economic crisis on the economy, politics, and social stability in the Southeast Asian countries, and anti-crisis programs of the governments of the region were considered. The conference was attended by employees of the Department of Southeast Asia and other divisions of the Institute of Information Technology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, scientists from a number of academic institutions, teachers and postgraduates of higher educational institutions in Moscow, employees of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, the Russian Federation Today magazine,and RUSAL.

Opening the conference, Director of the Institute R. B. Rybakov noted that South-East Asia occupies an important place in the Institute's research. Nowadays, the process of forming a new regional identity is developing more and more vigorously in Southeast Asia, when Vietnamese, Thais, Filipinos and others are beginning to identify themselves not only with their country, but also with the region. Thus, they oppose themselves to neighboring China and India, as well as other civilizational communities. In this regard, the Institute is studying the features of this process and its main characteristics.

It is scientifically fruitful to conduct annual monitoring of economic, political and cultural events taking place in the region. The annual conferences "Southeast Asia: Current problems of development" are the largest in Russia in terms of the number of participants and the scale of issues discussed. Annual collections prepared based on the results of these conferences with the direct participation and support of N. P. Maletin invariably become bestsellers of scientific literature. Thanks to its comprehensive approach to the study of the region, the Institute not only maintains a leading position in the study of Southeast Asia in Russia, but also has the ability to conduct cross-cutting research on any major political or economic problem in Southeast Asia.

The conference program included three blocks of questions: main reports; presentations on regional problems of economy and politics; country problems. The main presentations were made by the Heads of the Department. Department of Southeast Asia D. V. Mosyakov, S. A. Bylinyak (IV RAS), A. S. Voronin (IDV RAS).

In his report titled "ASEAN and the Struggle for Dominant Influence in Southeast Asia," Dmitry Mosyakov stressed that 2008 was an important stage in the history of ASEAN in building a common economic and military-political space. The main outcome of the year in the field of political integration is the completion of the process of ratification of the Charter, or ASEAN Charter, which sets out the goals and regulates the forms and nature of relations within the bloc. In the context of the global crisis and growing instability in the world, the ruling elites of the ASEAN countries abandoned polemics (mainly on human rights and civil liberties), and by the end of 2008, the Charter was adopted by all member States of the association, which contributed to the activation of military and political cooperation of the ASEAN countries. In mid-December, at a meeting of ASEAN foreign ministers in Jakarta, an agreement on the joint fight against terrorism was signed, and a specific program of cooperation in this area was developed, including the exchange of secret information of special services, conducting joint anti-terrorist exercises, etc. A step forward was made in the field of economic cooperation. The Jakarta Ministerial meeting reaffirmed the shared commitment to complete the establishment of the ASEAN-AFTA Asian Free Trade Area by 2015.

However, it is not only issues of deepening mutual integration that concern the ASEAN countries. They see the rapidly changing balance of power and interests of the great Powers in Southeast Asia as a real threat to regional security and stability. The ASEAN ten countries are not able to balance the growing influence of China with the weakening position of the United States. Today, the global financial and economic crisis directly affects significant changes in the geopolitical configuration in the region. Analysts from the ASEAN countries note that the US position in SEEA has never been so weakened as it is now. There is a search for some kind of replacement for American influence. Many see this replacement in the formation of a military alliance between Japan and India, which took real shape in 2008. Nevertheless, it is hardly feasible to replace the weakening of American influence and presence in the region with an Indo-Japanese alliance. In this situation, the ASEAN ruling elite made a new turn towards China in 2008. Without China and the Chinese market, which is less affected by the global crisis than the United States and Japan, it is impossible for the ASEAN countries to achieve economic survival. In turn, China, sensing changes in the balance of power in Southeast Asia, has stepped up efforts to become the main economic and political partner of the ASEAN states. Although China is still only the fourth most important trading partner of the Southeast Asian countries after the United States, Japan and the EU, it is strong and dynamic against the background of the recession and global crisis in its competitors. The PRC has a unique opportunity to push out its geopolitical rivals in Southeast Asia and tie the region's countries to its giant market.

S. A. Bylinyak's report focused on the impact of the global financial and economic crisis on the countries of Southeast and East Asia in two areas: the impact of global financial shocks on the region and the problems that arise due to the region's heavy dependence on exports. However, financial institutions in Southeast Asia have taken into account the lessons of the financial crisis of the 1990s and take into account the risks associated with attracting external sources in their policies. In the pre-crisis years, there was also a decrease in the volume of non-performing debts. Therefore, compared to many other emerging market countries, including Russia, they do not have serious problems with the external debt of companies. However, significant difficulties exist in the countries of the region due to their participation in the international division of labor. Almost all of them pursued a policy of export-oriented economy. The share of exports in GDP in these countries is high, and opportunities for reorientation to the domestic market are limited. As a result, the economic growth rates of the countries under consideration are significantly decreasing in 2009, and acute social problems are accumulating.

A. S. Voronin also considered the impact of the global crisis on the Southeast Asian countries. Data from Southeast Asian countries show that its most acute phase will occur in the current year. The crisis will cross the threshold of 2009 and continue at least into 2010. The current crisis is much larger in scale than anything that we had to deal with in 1997-1998. Its consequences will be more severe and diverse than they were in 1998. The financial and banking system, the sectors of the real economy that are most closely connected with the largest multinational banks and companies, and international trade will have to bear the greatest burden. The socio-political costs will be huge: rising unemployment, poverty, and food insecurity.-

there is no immediate problem. We should expect an increase in extremist forces, an aggravation of interethnic and interreligious contradictions, border and territorial conflicts, an increase in piracy, a deterioration in the criminal situation, and further destabilization of the internal political situation in some countries of the region.

It is important that the members of the ASEAN Ten were able to agree to act as co-ordinated as possible at all three levels - national, regional and global, as evidenced by the results of the 14th ASEAN Summit in February this year.Those countries that link the solution of current anti-crisis tasks with the implementation of a competent long-term strategy will come out of the crisis faster and more successfully.

In the second section, devoted to regional problems, the first speaker was A. A. Rogozhin (IMEMO RAS) with the report "Southeast Asian economy: success against the background of the crisis". He stressed that the countries of the region have shown a fairly strong immunity to the global economic crisis, which should be based on the lessons of the 1997 - 1998 financial crisis that the leading countries of Southeast Asia have learned well. The impact of the current crisis on the socio-economic development of these countries was mainly manifested in a sharp decline in industrial exports, which is regarded as a temporary phenomenon in the region - all Southeast Asian countries, without exception, declared their commitment to the basic economic model, one of the main components of which is the export orientation of the economy. The most significant negative consequence of the current crisis was a very significant decline in employment in export industries, however, according to the speaker's calculations, so far the number of unemployed in the Southeast Asian countries does not exceed 100 thousand people (in China, similar losses-over 20 million people). At the same time, the speaker noted that the banking sector and even the stock markets of these countries, although they are in a tense state, have not yet been significantly affected. Macroeconomic indicators in the Southeast Asian countries showed stability, but most national economies found rather modest opportunities to overcome the negative social consequences of the crisis, primarily in the fight against unemployment.

Pavel Tsvetov (Rossiyskaya Federatsiya Segodnya) made an informational presentation on the annual report of the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) for 2009. The authors of the report called it "Countering the triple threat to development", drawing the attention of the world community to the existence of three crises in the region: financial, food and environmental. The report notes that the number of poor people in the region is growing, and today the Asia-Pacific region accounts for 2/3 of the world's population living below the poverty line. Almost half of the world's natural disasters occur in this region. As for the manifestations of the global financial crisis, they are as follows. The average GDP growth rate for Southeast Asian countries was 6.5% in 2007, 4.3% in 2008,and 1.5% in 2009. Inflation rose, consumer demand declined, and exports declined markedly. The inflow of foreign capital to the economies of the Asia-Pacific region has decreased. In social terms, this will lead to an increase in the number of unemployed people in 2009 (by 7-23 million people across the region) and a slowdown in wage growth. Nevertheless, experts believe that the Southeast Asian countries, having learned the lessons of the 1997-1998 crisis, are coping with the crisis more easily than other regions of the world. Billions of dollars ' worth of anti-crisis measures have been taken in many countries. The authors of the ESCAP report believe that the region is in a position to emerge from the current crisis as a global leader.

Speech by R. A. Senin (IDV RAS) is devoted to the development of relations between ASEAN and the United States in 2008-early 2009. According to the speaker, in recent years, the development of the ASEAN institutionalization process and its promotion to the position of a generally recognized moderator of the macro-regional dialogue within Greater East Asia have made the interaction between the Association and the United States more balanced, purposeful and multidimensional. There has been an intensification of the multilateral dialogue. The Association began to be considered by Washington as a capable and, most importantly, interested partner for the gradual integration of the United States into regional economic structures. Four basic trends were identified: 1) establishing more effective diplomatic cooperation with the Association as an international organization; 2) leveling the imbalance in US relations with the "old" and "new" members of the Association; 3) substantive content of dialogue partnership programs; 4) creating conditions for the formation of a US-ASEAN free trade zone in the future. The new democratic administration of Barack Obama is stepping up its policy of further strengthening relations with ASEAN. This is evidenced by the visit to Indonesia in February 2009 of the US Secretary of State H. Clinton, who visited the ASEAN secretariat and announced the US intention to sign a Treaty of Friendship and cooperation with Southeast Asia in the near future.

N. B. Lebedeva (IB RAS) in her report "India and ASEAN: Problems of interaction" analyzed the evolution, features and forms of relations between India and ASEAN at the present stage

At this stage, it showed their increasing role for both sides. One of their most important mechanisms was the course "Orientation to the East" adopted in 1991 by the Government of N. Rao, which provided for the priority development of India's economic and other interactions with ASEAN, as well as with Japan, South Korea and other East Asian states. A number of multilateral and bilateral agreements have been signed and are being implemented. Special attention is paid to the role of ASEAN in India's ambitious goal of reaching the level of a global power.

In her speech "Environmental cooperation within the framework of ASEAN" N. G. Rogozhina (IMEMO RAS) highlighted the history of the formation and development of the regional system of environmental interaction. She stressed that, despite the numerous declarations and declarations adopted, as well as the existence of a multi-stage system of regional environmental management, ASEAN is not yet able to adequately respond to the growing environmental challenges and resolve emerging interstate contradictions in this area.

M. G. Osinova (Institute of Economics of the Russian Academy of Sciences) spoke about the trends and prospects of financial integration of ASEAN+3 (China, Japan and South Korea) in the context of the global financial crisis of 2008-2009. According to M. G. Osipova, the main force in the integration process is the policy of the People's Republic of China, its financial capabilities and interest in certain markets. If in the middle of 2008 the integration process at the regional level developed at an accelerated pace, then later a period of latent passage of the crisis occurred. The wait-and-see attitude of the PRC leads to a slowdown in the integration process. Its further acceleration or deceleration largely depends on the factors mentioned above.

Sergey Berezinsky (Federal Energy Agency of the Russian Federation), in his report "Priorities of the ASEAN countries in the oil and gas industry", stressed that in the context of the crisis and the reduction in energy demand, the opportunities for maneuver of the region's hydrocarbon producers are narrowing. Finding a strategic investor who is willing to make large long-term investments in the energy sector (while remaining within the host country's priorities) is not an easy task. In such a situation, Indonesia's desire to redistribute the country's hydrocarbons produced in the near future in favor of meeting the growing domestic demand caused by the growing needs of the national industry and the growing middle class has a better chance of meeting a constructive response from a number of external investors. De - bureaucratization of the economy, including the oil and gas industry, remains an urgent task for the ASEAN member States. At the same time, there is a growing trend towards strengthening the national corporate sector in the economies of the region's countries. Special attention should be paid to the course taken by the Southeast Asian countries to supplement the oil and gas production industry with the processing industry. We are talking about oil refineries and petrochemical industries, whose product prices grew at a high rate in the 2000s. At the same time, we can see the desire of the states of the region to participate more actively in mutual energy exchanges. First of all, this applies to Thailand, which in the long term can compete with Singapore as a major center of production and trade in refined and petrochemical products.

R. S. Sukharev (post-graduate student of IMEMO RAS) in his report "The Middle East and Southeast Asian countries - cooperation in the oil sector" elaborated on the reasons for the noticeable expansion of cooperation between the countries of Southeast Asia and the Middle East in the oil sector. The author believes that this phenomenon is associated with significant changes in the cost of oil on the world energy market, as well as the desire of Southeast Asian countries to ensure their own energy security by strengthening their positions in the oil sector of the Middle East region.

I. L. Klyuev (post-graduate student of IMEMO RAS) in his report "Cooperation between Iran and Southeast Asian countries: main problems and prospects" noted that economic cooperation between Iran and Southeast Asian countries has recently intensified. In addition to expanding foreign trade turnover, investment cooperation is actively developing between them, one of the main objects of which is the oil and gas sector of Iran. Southeast Asian countries will participate in the development of Iranian hydrocarbon fields. However, the development of mutual cooperation in this area is clearly hindered by the specifics of the Iranian investment legislation, which significantly restricts the flow of investment in the oil and gas sector. Iran's cooperation with Southeast Asian countries is also expanding in other sectors, in particular in the field of transport and finance.

A. P. Muranova (IB RAS) reviewed the taxation of personal income in Southeast Asian countries, emphasizing that this urgent problem becomes especially acute during the global financial crisis. The fiscal regime for individuals in the region is diverse - from the "tax haven" in Brunei, where the population does not pay tax on individual income at all, to a very strict one

systems in Vietnam. A characteristic feature of taxation of individual income in Southeast Asia is, first, the collection of personal income tax in all countries according to a complex progressive multi-stage scale of rates (the top marginal rates in Singapore are 20%, in Cambodia - 20, in Malaysia-28, in Myanmar-30, in the Philippines-32, in Indonesia - 35%, in Thailand - 37%, in Vietnam - 40%); secondly, the provision of various tax benefits (personal discounts for the taxpayer, for his wife and children, and in Singapore even for parents, grandparents, as well as social deductions - life insurance contributions, pension funds, etc. etc.), which significantly reduce the tax burden of individuals. Apart from Brunei, Singapore has the most favorable and socially oriented tax regime, where, according to official estimates, 2/3 of the adult population does not pay income tax.

In her report, G. S. Shabalina (Institute of Tourism of the Russian Academy of Sciences) focused on the socio-economic aspects of tourism in modern Southeast Asia, which makes a significant contribution to the economic development of the countries of this region, as well as Greater East Asia in general. The hotel industry is developing (hotels in cities and resorts), the transport sector, infrastructure, and individual incomes of some segments of the population are also growing. The region attracts visitors from all over the world with its diverse and distinctive culture and climatic conditions. In ASEAN, this applies primarily to Singapore, Thailand, the Philippines, and Vietnam. However, as the global crisis unfolds, disruptions in one's own economy, negative political factors, and the impact of natural disasters, the development of the tourism sector is noticeably complicated, and its socio-economic indicators are declining. According to Interfax-Tourism, in March 2009 there was a general drop in the profitability of the hotel sector. This indicator significantly decreased in Thailand (36%), Singapore (28%), Vietnam (27%). Therefore, a state policy is being implemented to support cross-country tourism and its infrastructure in general. The anti-crisis policy is particularly noticeable in Malaysia, where the authorities intend to attract more tourists from Muslim countries. This includes the construction of special complexes for tourists with the participation of investors from the Middle East, and the creation of special women's resorts, etc.

The third block was opened by a speech by A. Drugov (IB RAS), dedicated to the development of Indonesia in 2008. Election struggles between parties, he noted, often failed to address the underlying issues facing Indonesian society. This has resulted in an ongoing process of "creeping Islamization" of society, and in this light, the underlying political activation of the Indonesian army must be viewed. The prospects for boosting Indonesia's relations with the United States under the new administration in Washington, as well as Indonesian-Chinese ties, are noteworthy.

M. O. Kulikova (PhD student of the Institute of Political Science of the Russian Academy of Sciences), "Some features of the election campaign in Indonesia", notes that on March 9, 2009, parliamentary elections were held in Indonesia, and presidential elections will be held in July. Most parties in the election campaign declared Panchasila as their ideology, while only 7 parties came out under the flag of Islam. The General Election Commission estimates that the number of voters in Indonesia at the time of the election will be 171 million. The main feature of presidential elections is the conditions for nominating candidates from a party or group that received 25% of the vote in the election, or more than 20% of the 560 seats in parliament.

G. V. Suchkov (Vostochny University) reviewed the next national electoral cycle in Indonesia - the parliamentary and presidential campaigns of 2009. This election is the third in the country's post-Suharto history. One of the most important roles in them is played by people from the armed forces, which were the mainstay of the new order regime that collapsed in 1998. The report contains an analysis of how successful the campaign to power was for a number of prominent retired officers, shows how they build relationships with each other and with politicians who do not have an army background, The election may have an impact on the army as an institution.

L. F. Pakhomova (IB RAS) in her speech "Anti-crisis policy in Indonesia and Malaysia" analyzed and compared the crisis management policies in these countries. She stressed that the differences in the measures taken were determined by the specifics of the economic growth model of these states. In Malaysia, when developing anti-crisis measures, the government proceeds from a combination of temporary emergency measures with the main course "Vision 2020". The main measures are limited to ensuring the development of infrastructure and human capital, and avoiding marginalization. Comparing the anti-crisis policies of Indonesia and Malaysia, L. F. Pakhomova noted that the Indonesian government, based on the experience of 1997 - 1998, developed new packages of anti - crisis measures for 2009-2010 aimed at curbing the process of pauperization, reducing inflation, as well as stimulating exports and domestic demand.

The report of V. F. Urlyapov (IB RAS) is dedicated to Malaysia. In the March 2008 Malaysian general election, the opposition People's Alliance, a bloc of three parties with different political and ideological orientations, was successful. For the first time in the country's history, the Alliance managed to crush the absolute majority in parliament of the ruling National Front, a coalition of national and regional parties led by the United Malay National Organization (UMNO). The opposition also took control of five states in peninsular Malaysia. Under the weight of defeat and growing public discontent with the Government's socio-economic policies, which were intensified by the global crisis, Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi decided in October 2008 not to run for the post of chairman of the de facto ruling OMNO party and to transfer power to his deputy for the party and Government, Najib Razak. In April 2009, the latter became the sixth head of the Malaysian Government.

Mikhail Matyukhin (Institute of Economics of the Russian Academy of Sciences) in his report "Export of entrepreneurial capital from Malaysia" noted the unusually high concentration of investment activity of Malaysian capital in the past year in the oil and gas industry of other developing countries. Malaysian direct investment in oil and gas exploration and production was mainly directed to Asian countries (Iran, Pakistan, Uzbekistan, Vietnam) and for the first time - to some African states (Mozambique, Cameroon). The author explains this phenomenon primarily by the government's strategic approach aimed at establishing, maintaining and developing the effect of the presence of Malaysian national capital in the most promising segments of the global oil and gas market in anticipation of the next wave of demand and the accompanying increase in prices for these goods.

E. V. Novikova (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) focused on the problem "Traditional culture of Malaysian Chinese in the context of modernity". We are talking about the connection between social activity and traditional attitudes of the worldview among the Chinese diaspora in Malaysia. In the dynamic conditions of modern Malaysia, the Chinese diaspora confidently maintains its leading position in many respects. Not being a privileged ethnic group of the country, the Chinese have nevertheless become a kind of" engine of progress " in socio-economic terms, which does not cause internal conflicts in the diaspora itself, despite the fact that it is deeply traditional in its worldview. Many parameters of traditional ideology remain viable even in modern conditions, which makes it possible to avoid a break with the cultural and civilizational core. First of all, they are expressed in the philosophy of Confucianism and Taoism and are largely ethnic and practical in nature. However, no less interesting are the religious aspects of the modern life of the Chinese diaspora. As a rule, they are difficult to isolate from the everyday layer, since they do not have a pronounced ritual symbolism and are deeply interwoven into everyday life. Nevertheless, a sense of belonging to the "cultural program" surrounds a member of the Chinese diaspora from birth and throughout his life, influencing his activities and shaping the picture of the world.

Yu. Olga Levtonova (IB RAS) noted that among the long-term destabilizing factors in the Philippines that complicate the already unstable political situation in the country, especially in the context of the global economic crisis, the problem of Muslim extremism in the south of the country has come to the fore (after the breakdown in August 2008). peace talks between the Government of Arroyo and the leaders of the Muslim opposition Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). There is an aggravation of the confrontation of ethnic groups with different systems of cultural and religious values, which are among the risks of globalization, calling into question the theory of the future unified world order. At the regional level, the armed conflict in the southern Philippines is one of the serious challenges to the regime's stability and contributes to the expansion (in various forms) of radical and political Islam, which primarily concerns Muslim countries (Indonesia, Malaysia). The report assesses the outbreak of armed bloodshed (since August 2008) as a new dangerous stage in the long-standing confrontation between the Muslim minority and the Christian majority. It shows the forces (inside and outside the country) - those who are interested in further escalation of the confrontation, and those who are trying to reduce the severity of the conflict and resume the negotiation process.

E. M. Gurevich (Institute of Political Economy of the Russian Academy of Sciences) spoke about the plans of the Singapore leadership to liberalize the political system. The first steps towards democratization are the government's application for permission to hold demonstrations (but only in one specific place), the intention to lift the ban on showing films of political content, and to give the opposition more free access to Internet resources in preparation for the next general elections in 2011. The HDP government did not choose 2008 by chance to launch reforms: in the country

the state of economic prosperity and political stability continues, and moderate moods prevail in society. But the global economic crisis, which is bound to affect Singapore, the most globalized country in the world, is likely to make its own adjustments, slowing down the process of liberalization or accelerating it, given the possibility of exacerbating social problems and political struggles.

E. A. Fomicheva (Institute of Internal Affairs of the Russian Academy of Sciences) reviewed the political situation in Thailand in 2008 - early 2009, emphasizing that the political crisis that the country has been experiencing for several years has deep socio-economic causes. She analyzed which socio-political forces are involved in political confrontation, including new and old elites, the army, monarchical circles, representatives of the rural hinterland and the urban middle class. The article describes representatives of the forces whose confrontation caused the current crisis, including supporters of the ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his political opponents, especially Aphisit Vetchachiwa, the leader of the Democratic Party. It is also shown that the political confrontation for several years could not be "resolved" through the institution of parliamentary elections. Therefore, attempts were made to overcome the political crisis by using other means, including the Constitutional Court's decision banning political parties and suspending individuals from political activities. Both sides of the conflict used the technologies of the "orange revolutions". The author comes to the conclusion that the political system of Thailand is expected to be reformed.

V. F. Vasiliev (IB RAS) devoted his report to the adoption of the constitution in Myanmar/Burma in 2008, which is a serious event in the country's political life, since it is a question of changing its constitutional status. This is especially important because since 1988, after the army crushed the democratic uprising in Burma, the country turned into an open military dictatorship, abolished the previous 1974 constitution and lived for 20 years without it at all. It is essential that the first general elections to the Parliament (hludo), regional and local authorities are scheduled for 2010. In this regard, the author examines the complex and complicated political atmosphere in the country, as the still-democratic opposition ignored the elections until recently and opposes the new constitution, not considering it democratic, but only a means for the army to maintain its power in the country. Some ethnic groups also object to participating in the elections. According to V. F. Vasilyev, the opposition should participate in the elections in order to strengthen its "legitimacy" and gain a rostrum, which it is now virtually deprived of.

Presentation by A. A. Simony (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) " Myanmar in 2008 Cooperation with the UN" was devoted to the difficult relationship between the country's military leadership and the United Nations. The internal political situation in Myanmar became the object of close attention from the UN after the unrecognized parliamentary elections in 1990. Since the early 1990s, Myanmar's cooperation with the UN in the field of human rights has been carried out with the help of missions created specifically to study the "Burma issue" - the Special Rapporteur of the UN Commission on Human Rights and the special envoy of the UN Secretary-General. She recalled that the third UN Secretary-General was U Tan, a Burmese citizen who served two terms (1961-1971). The report focused on the missions of the UN Secretary-General's Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari in 2008 and the new approach to the issue of human rights in Myanmar of the next (fourth) Special Rapporteur of the UN Commission on Human Rights, Thomas Ohea Kuantana. In May 2008, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon paid his first humanitarian visit to Myanmar after a devastating tropical cyclone. His second visit to Myanmar is scheduled for late 2008., was not held due to the intensification of political repression in the country.

In the message "Myanmar's Economic Ties with China: actual problems " by M. V. Kuritsyn (Geo-Spectrum Group) showed that these relations reached the peak of their development by the end of the current decade, largely due to political factors. China has become Myanmar's largest trading partner, and the official figures for the volume of trade are undoubtedly lower than the real ones, since a significant part of it is carried out according to opaque schemes in the border zone. Investment cooperation between the two countries has increased dramatically, and the results are clearly more favorable for China, as they enable it not only to solve important economic problems, but also to realize its long-term geostrategic aspirations. For Myanmar, however, according to the author, the results of economic contacts with China are much more modest than the official propaganda of both China and Myanmar claims. Moreover, the development of these contacts raises many problems, the solution of which is deliberately postponed by the parties in the name of a very shaky political consensus.

G. F. Murasheva (Institute of Internal Affairs of the Russian Academy of Sciences) focused on some aspects of Vietnam's domestic and foreign policy in 2008.The first place in the domestic policy of the Government of Vietnam is the fight against the negative impact of the global crisis. The report analyzes 8 points of the anti-crisis program, cites the decisions of the 7th plenum of the CPV Central Committee (August 2008) on agriculture, aimed at providing the agricultural sector with modern infrastructure. Various assessments of Western experts regarding the impact of the global crisis on Vietnam are analyzed. Within the political elite of Vietnam, there are also different points of view on the development of an anti-crisis program. The country's foreign policy in 2008 focused on deepening bilateral relations with major countries - the United States, Japan, Australia, and China. Relations between Vietnam and the United States are particularly active. At the regional level, Vietnam actively participated in all programs aimed at building the ASEAN Community by 2015, as well as in the preparation and approval of the Charter.

A. A. Smirnova (RUSAL) in her report "Foreign Capital in the Oil and gas Industry of Vietnam" drew attention to the growing number of foreign investors in the country's oil and gas industry: in 2008, companies from Japan, France, India, Australia and Russia joined the list of foreign partners in Vietnam in this area. The author explains this phenomenon by three main factors:: 1) the discovery of new oil and gas deposits in Vietnam (mainly on the continental shelf); 2) the practical completion of the construction of the country's first oil refinery and the signing of an agreement on the creation of another refinery, and a larger one; 3) a favorable investment climate for foreign investors working in the oil and gas sector of Vietnam. First of all, this is reflected in the milder terms of production sharing agreements compared to regional competitors, as well as in the government's policy of creating multilateral international companies with the indispensable participation of the national industry leader Petrovietnam. In 2008, Petrovietnam significantly increased its investment efforts outside the country, in particular in Malaysia and Algeria.

In his speech, V. M. Mazyrin (MSU ISAA) noted that the problems in the Vietnamese economy have worsened since the end of 2007. This was mainly due to internal reasons, the onset of another cyclical crisis of the capitalist market system that has developed here. The implementation of the concept of catch-up development "at any cost" has led to overheating of the local economy, increased inflation, budget and foreign trade deficits. When these effects were partially overcome, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam experienced the impact of a global recession since the fall of 2008, which increased the deceleration and decline in economic activity. The task of resuming growth is solved by stimulating consumer and investment demand. The new anti-crisis program includes both monetary (less) and fiscal measures (more). Efforts to overcome the crisis can mitigate stagnation, but exacerbate systemic risks and unresolved problems. At the same time, this example reveals the great potential of egalitarian forms of capitalism in transition countries.

A. A. Sokolov (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) analyzed the state of Vietnamese culture in 2008-2009. There are still two trends in modern Vietnamese culture: traditionally-official, associated with state support for nationally significant projects and events, and mass-entertainment. In 2008, the country organized: the first international puppet theater Festival, the national experimental theater Festival, specialized and anniversary art exhibitions, sports events, music and ethnographic and tourism festivals (both national and within the framework of ASEAN). An important event in the life of Vietnam was the celebration of the Buddha's Birthday (Vesak) in May 2008, which was attended by representatives of more than 70 countries. On April 19, 2009, by the decision of the Prime Minister of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, a new holiday was celebrated for the first time-the Day of Culture of the Peoples of Vietnam, which is designed to demonstrate the national unity and friendship of the numerous peoples inhabiting the country.

The conference reports and presentations included monitoring of the current development of Southeast Asia. Its most priority and significant aspects and directions at the regional and country levels are considered and analyzed. Almost all the speakers, paying special attention to the impact of the global financial and economic crisis on the region, came to the same conclusion. It consisted in the fact that the Southeast Asian countries, having survived the shock caused by the 1997 - 1998 Asian crisis, are easier to adapt to the difficult situation. At the same time, it is pointed out that the global crisis will inevitably have a negative impact on economic growth, political and social stability in the Southeast Asian countries and the region as a whole. Generalizations and conclusions of the conference are not only scientific in nature, but can also be used by practical organizations related to the implementation of the Russian Federation's policy in the Southeast Asian region.

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