The article continues the theme of conceptual plots of the sacred world of the small Tungus-Manchu ethnic community of Sakhalin. The focus is on the Rukutama rod, found by a hunter-trapper in 1972 on the Angurovka River, an old arm of the Rukutama River. On the rod, all the features of the Sakhalin Island space are displayed in extreme detail. It was fully integrated into the lifecycle space. Sacred information has been passed down for centuries by generations of shamans using the language of sacred compositions - "pictorial folklore". Visual arts are very important for studying the ethnic history and culture of the modern island population.

Keywords: Rukutama rod, sacred space, Sakhalin, North Asia, Tungus-Manchurian small-numbered community, Evenki, Uilta.

Introduction

This article continues the theme of conceptual plots of the sacred (i.e., studied) world of the small Tungus-Manchu ethnic community of Sakhalin (Fig. 1). The focus is on the Rukutama rod, found by the hunter-trapper A. S. Filippov in 1972 in nar. Angurovka -the old arm of the Rukutama River. This artifact was transferred to the Poronai Museum of Local Lore (PKM, Poronaysk, Sakhalin region). The first publication about it belongs to the director of PKM V. D. Fedorchuk [1995]. The main plots of the sacred space represented on the Rukutama rod are considered in my previous article [Missonova, 2011]. The study of ideas about living space both on Earth and in other worlds (Upper, Middle, and Lower) reveals the essence of the worldview that has developed for centuries in the ethnic culture of Sakhalin (Yamamoto Yuko, 1943). In the painting Shoji Ki-mura " Meeting of shamans (in the Otasu Grove). Sakhalin"

2) shows the sacred dance of a shaman (kamlanie for the treatment of a drowned and rescued baby). Sketches of this painting* were written in 1938 directly in Otasu (now Poronaisky district of the Sakhalin region, where the rod was found), but the artist worked on it until the very end of his life and did not consider it finished. Visual techniques combined with the artist's social status help to preserve and transfer the accumulated knowledge.

Visual arts as a means and method of transmitting knowledge about the sacred space of the island

Let's pay attention to the line along the Rukutama rod (Fig. 3). On the old Japanese map of Sakhalin (1868-187?), where the boundaries of the conditional de-

* Stored in the artist's personal archive, now held by his son Hiroki Kimura.

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Fig. 1. Rukutamsky rod (Poronai Museum of Local Lore, N 194-1) and " Map of the Sakhalin Peninsula by I. F. Krusenstern. 1805 " [History of Sakhalin..., 2008, p. 328].

2. Fragment of a painting by Shoji Kimura (Memorial Art Gallery, Hakodate, 1991). Photo by L. I. Missonova, 2008.

The main division along the island is the same as on the rod. From the lower Belt pass, the line follows the Reed Ridge of the West Sakhalin Mountains to the Nikolsky Pass, then through the Poronai Floodplain along the Poronai. It passes through sections of different rivers, lowlands and reaches the Pomr Bay. On the modern geographical map, after the Poronai River floodplain, this line goes to the area along the village of Smirnykh, then along the Central Ridge (parallel to the Poronai River), then along the Nabilsky Ridge, after which it goes to the left, passes into the Nysh River and ends in the same place as the river [Spravochnik..., 2003].

If you go back to the image on the rod, it turns out that the Poronai and Nysh rivers flow in one direction, down to the south, and the Tym River flows in the opposite direction (Fig. 4). At the confluence of the Tym and Nysh rivers, there is a double rim around the handle of the rod (Fig. 4; 5, a). The Tym River flows in the opposite direction. It is from east to west, then to the north (as in the previously described Evenk legend [Missonova, 2011, p. 126]), that it serves as a passage to the sacred river leading to the afterlife (Fig.-

* "Karafuto Chizu" - "Map of Karafuto" (in Japanese), compiled in the early years of the Meiji era (1868-1912). Stored in the Department of Northern Studies of the Hokkaido University Library, Sapporo (Japan). Scroll "Jiku-mono" N 16. ID: 0D018490000000000.

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3. Image of the line of mountain ranges along the rod (b) in comparison with the map of I. F. Krusenstern in 1805 (a) and the Japanese map (c) with conditional administrative boundaries (1868-187?).

Fig. 4. The confluence of the Tym and Nysh rivers, the sources of the Tym and Poronai rivers (the scheme of superimposing the rod on the map).

5. The handle of a staff with sacred patterns. The space of the Lower World.

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6. Image of a mythical river with whirlpools on a rod (a) and a Uylta pattern (b).

Fig. 7. Location of the wand.

the expression of which is often present in the ethnic pattern of the Uilta* and other Tungus-Manchu peoples. Among the Uylta and Evenks of Sakhalin, there is a legend that says:"...the Langra River has seen that all the rivers flow to the east, and says: "I will also flow to the east", and then I saw that there was nowhere to flow, and I went to the west", and then to the north of the island (PMA, informant A. Borisov, pos. Val, 2009). In the northern part of the island there is also the Bolshaya Nelma River, all tributaries of which start in the east and flow to the west, and it flows to the north and flows into the Gryaznaya Bay of the Baikal Bay of the Sakhalin Bay of the Sea of Okhotsk.

According to the beliefs of the Tungusic peoples, hostile spirits are looking for an opportunity to drag the soul of the deceased to the Lower World or release it to the earth, so they were afraid of river eddies. It should be noted that the wave pattern (water and waves in this case are the image of a river) is one of the three most widespread and most persistent in terms of time of existence among the Uil - Tin ethnic community - the Kulukeni eeg (PMA, informants E. A. Bibikova, I. Ya.Fedyaeva, Nogliki district, 2009).

The Rukutama, Tym and Poronai rivers are characterized by numerous turns (Fig. 7), which are also shown in the pattern. On the handle of the wand, the shaman's assistants are depicted at all bends (see Figs. 5, a; 6, a). Here we see an attempt to convey movement (the figures seem to have three hands each [Ostrovsky, 2009, p. 61]). These helpers guard the space of the other being of the Buni-unearthly, so that no one comes out from there. There are nine of them on the rod, which, according to one explanation, corresponds to the number of major planets in the universe (see also [Frolov, 1974; Ostrovsky, 2008]).

The number 9 in the Uylta tradition is sacred. According to the Uylt custom, nine things were always worn on the deceased during the funeral. The uilta ocean was called (or rather measured) xyjy datu downey - "nine seas of capacity" (PMA, EA informants. Bibikova, I. Ya. Fedyaeva, 2009). Preserved Uylta riddle: Xyjy hoto meuhani, xajza eri? Enuge nyjcimu - " The shaman's nine bald heads are jumping, what is it? The cauldron is boiling" [Ozolinya, 2001, p. 195].

According to one group of Evenks, the shaman and the soul of the deceased traveled to Buni along a mythical river, the shaman's means of transportation was a tambourine, and for the soul of the deceased - "a grave platform on which he was buried, interpreted as a raft." "After seeing off the soul in buni, the shaman goes to the land of the living... he blocks the exit from the Lower World with a special fence of his guardian spirits", "so that the dead cannot go to the middle earth (in Uylt - to the Middle World. - L. M.) to the living people", otherwise they, having got out, turn into evil spirits that lead living people to the world of the dead [Ermolova, 2010, pp. 142-144] (see also: Anisimov, 1958, pp. 60-61; Avrorin and Kozminsky, 1949). In the underworld, according to Uylt, the spirits of the Lower world of Nutsmuli live - legless, but they have dogs and hunt people (Ozolinya, 2001, p. 214). It can be assumed that the prototype of these spirits-as well as dragons among the Chinese, according to S. A. Arutyunov (oral report on IX CAAR) - were Chinese salamanders (Anurias davidianus), living in rivers, leading a nocturnal lifestyle and having three fingers on their forelimbs.

Photos of Uylt's aerial burial site have been preserved, for example, a 1910 photo from the collection of V. A. Vasiliev, taken on the Piltun Bay (REM. Photo library. N 2620 - 66). According to the description of B. O. Pilsudski, holdosko coffins "for men and women were prepared from larch boards (not sawn, but split)... I covered myself with boards

*For example, on a tobacco pouch (khondokkr - "pouch" [Ozolinya, 2001, p. 152]), which is kept in the Poronai Museum of Local Lore, N 16-19, by uilta Ogawa Hatsuko.

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the coffin was placed on a platform made of poles... " [1989, p. 52]. The latter was fortified on three pillars. "The Oroki call such a grave igdy holdosko, i.e. a coffin on pillars "[Ozolinya, 2010, p. 160]. In the above-mentioned photo of 1910, only the number of pillars does not match - there are four of them. It should be noted that lozenges are clearly visible on the side walls of the coffin. There is a similar geometric pattern on the handle of the Rukutama rod (see Figure 6). The area where the rod was found can be represented as a rhombus, which is drawn along the places of sharp turns and confluence with the lake. The Neva River tributaries of the Rukutama River (see Fig. 7). Characteristic geometric patterns are also represented on the plates made of deer antler made by uylta (Fig.8).

According to Uyltin mythology, rhombuses symbolize the feminine principle, and triangles - the masculine one. Numerous bags for women's needlework (x, apsau) [Ozolinya, 2001, p.146], preserved in museums in both Russia and Japan, are decorated with patterns in the form of rhombuses (or rhombuses and triangles). Uylta women in the first half of the XX century. They wore wide belts of Komi [Ibid., p. 120] with the image of diamonds, which was captured by a Japanese photographer in the same area where the rod was found (Fig. 9). It can also be assumed that the diamonds are on the women's belt, bone lining (see Fig. 8, b) and the handle of the rod (see Fig. 5, a) symbolize the constellation(tok(c)pu (n) - "constellation" [Ibid., p. 347]) Orion. Among the Ulchi, a wide belt similar to the tsammi is called a tsambucha, and women wore it during pregnancy [Sravnitel'nyyslovar..., 1975, p. 370]. There is evidence of this use of the belt and Uylt in the photos of the Karafuto period (a woman in a belt and she is also with an infant). It is logical to assume that the image of the constellation Orion in this case symbolizes the birth of a new life.

Note that all the cross lines on the baton are single, and only on the handle are double (see Figure 5). They separate three main levels for-

8. Images of rhombuses on bone plates from the collections of the Russian Ethnographic Museum. a, b-from the collection collected in 1910 by V. N. Vasiliev on behalf of the ethnographic department of the Russian Museum: a-N 2078-32. "Torga" - a square plate made of deer antler, attached to the riding saddle. Piltun Bay, Piltun station; b-N 2078-33. "Turga". Lake Nautu; b-N 6938-16. Slap for a deer - from a deer horn. Sel. Val. Orocheny-ulta. From the collection collected in 1956 by E. P. Orlova on behalf of the State Museum of Ethnography of the Peoples of the USSR.

Figure 9. Uilta photo from the Hanzawa Chu Photo Studio (Karafuto period) (Uni Yoshikazu, 1999). Archive of the artist Shoji Kimura. Memorial Art Gallery, Hakodate. The first woman on the left has a wide uylta Komi women's belt with the image of three lozenges.

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mortuary world of buni (PMA, informants I. Ya. Fedyaeva, I. G. Kurushina, Val. settlement; E. A. Bibikova, village. Nogliki, 2007, 2009). The first is when a person has just left for the afterlife. It is called padu na ("lower earth, lower underground world "[Ozolinya, 2001, p. 278]), according to another version - simply buni. The second level of the afterlife is called seltuna - "coal" (according to the beliefs of uylta, bones turn into coal-according to T. D. Osipova (Chiskuda), 1873-1964, the village. Shaft), its image (as if with sparks) is found on the handle of the rod (see Fig. 5, a, on the left). As you know, there are numerous coal deposits both on Sakhalin and in the Amur basin. One of the uyltinskih explanations of the island's name: Sagari na - "Black earth" from Sagari selta - " black coal "(PMA, informant AND. Ya. Fedyaeva, pos. Val, 2009). In addition, according to archaeological data (Derevyanko, 1973, p. 243-244), the Middle Amur basin is hypothetically considered as the ancestral homeland of the Tungus-Manchu peoples (see the conclusions of A. P. Derevyanko [1973,1976]. Therefore, the inhabitants of Sakhalin could not only know about the existence and properties of" black coal", but also use it in everyday life, as well as use it for sacred rituals. Among the Sakhalin shamans were masters of blacksmithing (this is confirmed in the drawings of Japanese artists of the XVIII-XIX centuries, stored in the city public library of Hakodate on Hokkaido Island, as well as in the collection of objects of blacksmithing in the REM funds; in dictionaries of languages of all Tungusic peoples, including the Orok-Uilta [Ozolinya, 2001; Comparative Dictionary..., 1975, 1977], there are many words related to blacksmithing). The third level is called punekteune - "ashes" (i.e. nothing remains). At the same time, the ashes in the ground seem to serve as the basis for the birth of a new life.

The image of coal on the second level can also symbolize the North Star. In the Uylta language, it is called Burazta. This word also means flint or flint (Ozolinya, 2001, p. 47). A shaman could enter the world of higher powers by focusing on the North Star. Naturally, the ideas about the multi-tiered nature of the world and the role of constellations vary among different groups of Evenks (see, for example, [Mazin, 1984]). In the legends of uylta Burazta nani (doel. "The land of Burakta", i.e. "The Land of the North Star") is one of the lands of the Upper World, which is under the protection of the North Star (PMA, informant E. A. Bibikova, village. Nogliki, 2011). If we consider the wand as a ritual tool of a shaman, we can assume that it is used as a quadrant to determine the location relative to the North Star (Fig. 10). All the lines on the horn that separate genre sacred compositions form seven sectors, five-15°, and the two extreme ones together also make up 15°. It is known that the shadow moves 15°in an hour. This means that this wand could also be used as a sundial (Figure 11).

Conclusion

Thus, the Rukutama rod reflects the Uylt's ideas about sacred space, which correspond to the main provisions of Tungus/Evenk mythology, and this confirms the assumption about the original common historical past of the Evenks and the Uylt. The latter, according to one of the hypotheses, separated from the Evenks (there are both linguistic and folklore confirmations of this hypothesis)

10. Comparison of the shaman's wand with the quadrant. Diagram of the lines on the horn that separate genre sacred compositions.

11. Scheme of possible use of the wand as a sundial.

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and eventually settled on Sakhalin [Pevnov. 2001, p. 218]. In the Uilta language, the name of Sakhalin Island is translated into filiny-doel. "Earth's head" [Comparative dictionary..., 1975, p. 573]. Extremely detailed knowledge of all the features of the island's space, of course, indicates a long-standing migration of representatives of the small Tungus-Manchu ethnic community Uylta to Sakhalin. The long-standing migration to the island is also confirmed by the Uyltin names of the winds: talze - "wind from the sea" - east, dueee heduni - "wind from the mainland" - west. Sacred information, of course, was accumulated over the centuries and passed down by generations of shamans. In other words, the sacred space that was developed by the island's initiated inhabitants served the daily spiritual and material needs of society.

The artifact under study is currently undated (it is necessary to apply modern methods of bone dating, i.e. horns, in the future), so it remains an open question whether it was made several centuries ago or in the late XIX-early XX centuries. However, for the study of ethnic culture, this circumstance is far from being of primary importance. Even if the sacred compositions on the rod are not a direct reflection of the ancient cartographic ideas of the people about the island, this does not detract from their importance, because the ethnological study of this artifact shows the experience of generations of a certain ethnic community accumulated over the centuries and transmitted through skilful and accurate images. In other words, the thoroughly studied habitable space of the island is completely included in the life cycle space with a complex interrelation of the material and spiritual aspects of the Tunguska ethnic community, which is proved by the above sources. You can compare this with the transmission of information through folklore, but in this case the language is sacred compositions - "pictorial folklore", which is very important for studying the ethnic history and culture of the modern island population. The maker of the wand clearly possessed the full scope of sacred knowledge of previous generations. In addition, studying the individual details of the compositions on the rod, it is impossible not to notice that, looking at geographical maps of the XX-XXI centuries, it is not possible to see the outline of the island as, for example, in a satellite image. But even at the beginning of the twentieth century, the creator of the rod could not have used such a satellite map. In this case, we can talk about the ideological "scanning" of space (for many generations) and the exact transfer of its especially important elements to the ritual object.

According to A. M. Lidov, one of the founders of the theory of hierotopy, "without exception, all objects of religious art were created in order to become part of a specific sacred space. As a rule, we don't ask preserved monuments about this aspect of art. We describe the technique, style, and iconography, but we leave out the spatial nature of these objects. We don't see the picture of the world... This kind of reconstruction is intended to be carried out by hierotopia" [Hierotopia..., 2006] (see also: [Hierotopia..., 2009]). In this context, to clarify the analogies of the sacredness (study and use) of the Rukutama wand, we can recall the "chief's rod" (Trump and Bray, 1990). For example, in the Klause caves (Middle Klause, excavations by G. Obermayer 1912-1913) on the right bank of the Aitmuhl River, a broken "chief's staff" of the Middle Madeleine era was found (Kuhn, 1976, pp. 65-66). Its length is 42 cm, and that of the Rukutama rod is 44 cm (Fedorchuk, 1995, p. 129). The "chief's rod" is also made from a part of a deer's horn. For the first time his picture was published by G. Obermayer in the magazine "Greek" in 1927. It is interesting to note that there is a hole at the end of both wands, but there is no evidence of its use.* It can be assumed that for initiates this hole served as a passage to the Upper World. On the Rukutama rod, it faces north from the handle side (the North Star is a landmark), and the specially sawn off horn process on the opposite side could be a passage to the Lower World (through the water element that is depicted on this part of the rod). On satsani - entrance to the Lower (underground) world, doel, "hole in the ground" [Comparative dictionary..., 1975, p. 573; Ozolinya, 2001, p. 207, 278]. According to the definition of E. A. Bibikova, the navel of the Earth (on Hununi) is the entrance to the Lower World, which is located beyond the nine seas. It is the spirit of the water My edeni ("Water host") or the sea Namu edeni ("Sea host") that passes people to the Lower World - Bulzarna (Padu na - "Lower Earth"). And in the Upper World-Uvvuna ("Upper Earth"), according to folk legend, the people of the sun live, the same people. There was no end of the Earth, they went (flew) to the Upper World for a long time, there were a lot of deer to go to the Middle World, they were reduced, collected in a bag, and then in the Middle World - Taldau na - they were released from the bag (PMA, village. Val, 2009). According to the Evenks, the patron spirit, or guardian of the souls of people and animals, who sends down good luck on hunting, is the master of the Upper World - majilkan (while majan is the "evil fate" of the hunter) [Comparative Dictionary..., 1975, p.521].

* The reference to the "chief's rod" and other "wands" in this paper is explained by an attempt to analyze cases of studying similar features of these objects in the historical literature; functional identification of the compared artifacts is not pursued.

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The concept of "shamanic wand" is found in the" Comparative Dictionary of Tungus-Manchu Languages " only in the Oroch language ( along with the staff) - mujo / mijeu (n -) [1977, p. 176]. Other objects made of bones and reindeer antlers with fine engravings, "having a drilled hole in the base" of the fork of the horn, were found, for example, during the archaeological excavations of E. Pietta in the Gourdan grotto (Pyrenees, excavations since 1871) [Abramova, 1978, p. 74]. Direct (physical) use of the hole on these items was also not detected. Perhaps it is correct to assume that it helped the initiate to concentrate on the North Star and other space objects, especially the Moon. Thus, there was an expansion of knowledge of the sacred space of a person from a specific area of the earth to the Cosmos( Universe), i.e. all levels of the surrounding world.

The multi-dimensionality of Uylt's database space, for example, covers such concepts as" world"," universe"," terrain (earth)"," place, space outside the room"," sky"," state of the atmosphere","weather". And the planet (Earth) is defined by a different word-na, denoting the earth's firmament, land, mainland, coast, ground. The concepts of "edge", "territory", "country" and the like are denoted by both words.

The art of drawing images on the rod and the excellent knowledge of geography (and hydrography) of the area is not surprising, as if it is embedded in the" gene pool " of the Uylt mentality as one of the Tungusic peoples, which researchers have repeatedly noted. The Evenks of the river " asked... They have long been characterized by a phenomenal ability to navigate the hydrographic network of the region [Ermolova, 2007, p. 92; Arsenyev, 1949, p. 89; Lavrillier, 2010, p. 117, 120; Burykin, 2002].

Of great interest is the abundance of rhombuses and triangles in the ornament."...Geometric shapes in the form of lattice squares and rhombuses with extended sides are known in Siberia to the Ob Ugrians, Shors and Kumandins... widely distributed... in the ornament of the Finno-speaking and Slavic peoples, but also known to the Chuvash and Kazan Tatars... Turkmens and Kirghiz people like these figures, as a rule... they belong to very persistent motifs of folk ornaments. The most common and accepted assumption of most archaeologists and ethnographers is that rhombuses and lattice squares represent images of celestial bodies, in particular the sun " (Ivanov, 1963, pp. 441-442). It is important to remember that they are among the very ancient geometric motifs of the ornament. "This does not exclude the fact that with their help different peoples at different times expressed different ideas, in some cases related to the world of plants (and perhaps animals), and in others-the sun, stars, etc. ... When looking at these patterns, one can't help but wonder: what explains the similarity and even identity of these patterns in the vast expanses of Eastern and Southern Europe, Western Siberia, and partly Central Asia, among peoples who differ in language, economic structure, and culture? How did they end up with the same type of ornament?.. Where, when and on what basis was this ornament formed?.. It is quite obvious that in this case it is impossible to see the reason for the similarity of ornamental motifs only in the kinship of peoples, in cultural ties and influences... " [Ibid., p. 442] (see also: [Rybakov, 1972])...The widespread use of lattice patterns in their endless variations suggests that there was a more or less unified basis for all this ornamentation in the past... " [Ibid., p. 443].

Speaking about the origin of diagonally crossed squares (rectangles, rhombuses) and similar figures (triangles, zigzags, squares placed on an angle, etc.), St. Ivanov writes that this complex is found "not only among the peoples of the North, but also among many peoples of Siberia - the Chulym Tatars, Shors, Tofalars,etc. Tuvans, Altaians, Khakass, Yakuts, and Western Buryats... Number of shapes... It is weakening towards the Extreme Northeast of Asia. For the peoples of the Lower Amur region, Primorye and O. They are not typical of Sakhalin (which we can't agree with! - l. In addition to Siberia, this complex is found in the ornaments of the peoples of the European part of the USSR (Sami, Komi-Zyryans, Udmurts, Bashkirs, Chuvash, and northern Russians), Central Asia (Kazakhs, Kirghizs, Karakalpaks, Turkmens, Uzbeks, and mountain Tajiks), and the Caucasus (Circassians, Ossetians, and peoples of Dagestan)... Among some Central European peoples (Hungarians, Bulgarians, Romanians, etc.), as well as in India and Africa<... >, the only possible explanation for the commonality of the ornamental complex among these peoples is... the assumption that their distant ancestors had a common or similar ancient basis of ornament, inherited and developed by subsequent generations " [Ibid., p. 449 - 4 - 51] (see also: [Vasilevich, 1969, pp. 202-214]).

12. Scheme of comparison of the image of the constellation Orion and the geometric ornament on ceramics found at the site of Promyslovoe-6 in the area of Lake Baikal. Nevskogo [Fedorchuk, 2002].

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The cyclical nature of life both in heaven and on Earth could not but be in the center of human attention, which was reflected in the art of different eras, including in ornaments (spiral, solar symbols, symbols of water and fire, fertility, good and evil, life and death, as well as zoomorphic figures, etc.The supposed images of the North Star and the constellation Orion on the Rukutama rod may reflect a logically constructed perception of the cyclical nature of existence. The first is present on the side of the rod where all life is displayed, and the second is on the practically empty, lifeless side. Among the Orochi, the appearance of the constellation Orion in autumn (Kuku jaeun'i - "Swan's Swoon") foreshadowed the beginning of bird flight [Comparative Dictionary..., 1975, p. 426; Podmaskin, 2001, p. 105-106]. Kuku (or kukku) in the Uylta (as well as in the ul-Chey and Nanai) meant a swan, the Uylta phrase has been preserved: kukunuzi ukhali, yjcsj sagdeheni - "he sat on his bird, flew up" [Comparative dictionary..., 1975, p. 427; Ozolinya, 2001, p. 131]. It was the Orion belt (one of the three known bright stars) that helped representatives of different ethnic cultures determine the long-awaited day of the beginning of the increase in daylight hours (after the darkness of winter or, in other words, the absence of life), and therefore the awakening of the vital forces of nature. (In the Christian faith, Jesus Christ was born on this day.) The North star is the main symbol of life. The combination of the main celestial landmarks on the handle of the wand is an expression of light and darkness, good and evil, the end, which will certainly be the beginning of transformation into a new quality, in the Universe and in human life. Therefore, it is natural to wear a wide female belt with a diamond-shaped image of the constellation (Orion's belt, see Fig. 9) it is on the place (on the stomach) where a new life is born in a woman (in the center of the rhombus there is often a dot-this is a symbol of the seed, a new life, such symbols in the form of point depressions of a rounded shape are also present in two rhombuses on opposite sides of the handle of the rod). The image of the constellation Orion is also recorded on ceramics (Fig. 12) from the Pro-myslovoe-6 parking lot near Lake Baikal. Nevsky [Fedorchuk, 2002, p. 106, fig. 6, 2].

In the area where the Rukutama rod was found, in 1993 local archaeologists discovered another ornamented rod (as well as many blanks without drawings), called "Nevsky" ("Zapadnaya I settlement" - an archaeological site on the Neva Spit) and dated to "one of the late stages of the Okhotsk culture" (Fedorchuk, 1995, p. 127]. Its functional and sacred significance is probably the same as that of the Rukutama wand. But this is a topic for another study.

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Anisimov A. F. Religion of the Evenks in the historical and genetic study and problems of the origin of primitive beliefs. - Moscow; L.: Publishing House of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1958. -235 p.

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Burykin A. A. Predstavleniya narodov severo-vostoka Azii o okruzhayushchem prostranstve i ikh otrazhenie v izobrazhitel'nom iskusstve [Representations of the peoples of the North-East of Asia about the surrounding space and their reflection in visual art]. o-vo, 2002, issue 2, pp. 57-69.

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Derevyanko A. P. Early Iron Age of the Amur region. Novosibirsk: Nauka Publ., 1973, 355 p. (in Russian)

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Ermolova N. V. Reka v trekh mirah evenk'iskoi Vsuzvey [The River in the three worlds of the Evenki Universe]. Pavlinskaya street. St. Petersburg: Nauka Publ., 2007, pp. 87-127.

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The article was submitted to the Editorial Board on 24.03.11, and the final version was published on 11.04.11.

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