INFLUENCE OF SALMON FISHING ON ECONOMIC SPECIALIZATION AND SOCIAL RELATIONS AMONG THE ULCHI AND AMUR NANAIS (second half OF THE XIX-beginning of the XX century)*

Based on the analysis of literary sources, statistical data from 1897, and the author's field materials, the article examines the influence of salmon fishing on the economic and social structure of the Tungus-Manchu group-Ulchi and Nanai. Features of spawning migration of various Pacific salmon species formed the basis of economic zoning of the Lower Amur region, determined the economic orientation, settlement structure, and influenced the social relations of the Amur Nanai and Ulchi.

Keywords: Lower Amur region, salmon fishing, Amur Nanais, Ulchi, economy, social relations, settlement system.

Introduction

In Northern Pacifica, since the Holocene epoch, the basic element of life support for local communities has been the extraction of Pacific salmon. The mass migration of passing fish to the rivers of the Pacific coast attracted wandering hunters and gatherers to them, contributing to their "retraining" as sedentary fishermen (Figure 1).

In North America (from the coast of Alaska to California), in the Far East (on the coast of the Sea of Okhotsk, Kamchatka, Sakhalin, Primorye, Amur region), archaeological sites with salmon bones and scales, bone spears, stone and bone sinkers, composite fishing hooks, spinners (Ground Hog Bay, Hidden Falls, Five Mile Rapids, Srednyaya Bay, Susuiskaya parking lot, Zerkalnaya River Valley, Novopetrovka, Amur II, and Dzhari) indicate the distribution of fishing cultures with a salmon fishing profile in these areas in the range of 16.0-5.5 thousand BP (Vasilevsky, 1971, pp. 161-163; Vasilevsky and Golubev, 1976, pp. 61, 107 - 109; Vasilevsky, Krupyanko, and Tabarev, 1997, pp. 39-48; Gavrilova and Tabarev, 2006, pp. 14-19; Derevyanko, 1971, pp. 158-174; Medvedev, 1986, pp. 49-57; Shevkomud, Kositsyna, and Gorshkov, 2002]**.

Compared to the hunting tribes of the taiga belt, the inhabitants of the river valleys were in a more favorable position.-

* The work was supported by RGNF (project N 11-01-18034e) within the framework of the thematic plan (R & D 1.5.09) and the project RNP 2.2.1.1 / 1822 of Rosobrazovaniya.

** Among archaeologists (Russian and foreign), there are two points of view on the time of the emergence of salmon fishing in North Pacifica. Some, relying on direct evidence (mass ichthyological material), call the date no earlier than 6.0-5.5 thousand years AGO (the time of the Holocene optimum); others, taking into account the fact that acidic soils of the Far Eastern region destroy all organic matter, are guided by indirect facts (woodworking tools, early ceramics, fish figurines made of stone, etc.)., which appear already about 16-15 thousand years ago.

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Figure 1. Habitats and migration routes of Pacific salmon. The region of the Lower Amur region is highlighted. 1-3-salmon herds.

2. Territories of settlement of the Amur Nanai (a) and Ulchi (b).

nom position. Fishing with thrusting tools, hooks and nets is more effective and productive than hunting. Fish products, especially salmon products, exceed meat products in terms of the content of easily digestible elements that affect life expectancy and the body's resistance to harmful factors. Knowledge of the cycles of salmon entry into rivers served as a guarantee of the stable existence of fishing groups, which affected the practice of their development of the territory. On the basis of fishing, the transition to settlement and the construction of long-term settlements raised the standard of living of the local population and opened the way for innovations in the field of agriculture and the differentiation of society.

The commercial farms of the Amur region had their own development features. Materials from the Osipov and Malyshev cultures confirm that since the Neolithic period (approximately 13 thousand years AGO), the Amur basin has been divided into two zones: in the western part bordering Eastern Siberia, hunting played a key role; in the eastern part, which coincides with the Lower Amur region, seasonal fishing took a stable position [Volkov, Derevyanko, Medvedev, 2006] (fig. 2).

The specificity of the social and labor structure created in the Lower Amur zone lies in the initial mutual influence of "taiga" and "river" components, which were supported by Tunguses and Paleoasians. Scientists L. I. Schrenk, L. Ya. Shernberg, and later A. P. Okladnikov considered the ancient Paleoasians to be the founders of the fishing economic and cultural complex on the Amur River (Schrenk, 1899, 1903; Shernberg, 1933; Okladnikov, 2003, pp. 393-412). However, according to the results of a comparative analysis of the Nivkh, Nanai, and Ulchi fishing terms conducted by A.V. Smolyak, a picture emerges of long-term residence (for more than one millennium) in the Amur Valley of the Nanai (old name "Goldy") and Ulchi (before the revolution "Olchi"), who developed their own terminology for tools of economic activity [1980]. Among these peoples of the Tungus-Manchu group, salmon fishing was a basic element of life support, as well as among their neighbors of the Paleoasiatic group, the Nivkhs.

L. Ya. Sternberg in his work "Goldy", which presents an unfinished report on his expedition to the Amur River in 1910, based on the analysis of folklore and ethnographic data, concludes that most of the Nanai people were former reindeer herders who settled on the Amur River and, under the influence of local conditions, replaced reindeer husbandry with fishing and dog breeding. They formed a conglomerate of genera of various origins, and its formation was due to the constant influx of alien aliens (Alcor, 1933).

Mixing and stratification in the socio-cultural sphere of Nanai and Ulchi people was noted by many researchers of the Amur region. Since ancient times, the lower part of the Amur Valley was a contact zone in which the traditions of the Amur Valley, the East Siberian taiga zone, and the Pacific coast intersected; commercial and agricultural traditions introduced from the south [Zolotarev, 1939; Lopatin, 1922; Smolyak, 1970, 1975,

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1982; Shperk, 1885]. The mass arrival of passing fish in the zone of settlement of the Amur Nanai and Ulchi became a powerful natural catalyst for the self-organization of alien groups, and also led to the leveling of borrowed cultural forms and the formation of a common culture - fishermen (Smolyak, 1983). Sources from the period before the beginning of the XX century (statistics from 1897, toponymy, materials on the organization of living space) and preserved ancestral traditions allow us to identify an ecological factor in the division of labor and social stratification of the Tungus-Manchu community.

Natural factor in the economic zoning of the Lower Amur region

The Amur River is one of the largest rivers in the world. In terms of the basin area (1,855 km2), it ranks 4th in Russia and 10th in the world [Amur..., 1970; Gluzdovsky, 1917, p. 18]. From the confluence of the Amur River with the Ussuri River, the Lower Amur Region conventionally begins. On this section, the current of the river is expanded in xp. Sikhote-Alin to the north, becomes calm and, as described by A. A. Bolotov, majestic (Amur, 2006; Bolotov, 1925, pp. 21-22).

The Lower Amur region is the northern boundary of the natural complex, which is a combination of northern and southern forms of animal and plant life (Berg, 1930: 384, 385-387). Academician A. Middendorf described the peculiarity of the Amur fauna quite well: "Here you have to rotate in that curious strip of land where the Siberian and Bengal coats of arms - sable and tiger-meet face to face, where this southern cat beats off the reindeer from the lynx, where its rival wolverine destroys wild boar, deer, and elk in the same area and the goat " (cit. by: [Priamurye..., 1909, p. 266]).

The region's climatic diversity is determined by the Sikhote-Alin, Badzhal, and Bureinsky ranges, which are located close to the Pacific Ocean and serve as an obstacle to the passage of Siberian continental air masses or Pacific air currents during the summer and winter season. Most of the Amur Valley is characterized by cold and dry winters and wet summers (Asiatic Russia, 1914, pp. 1-6; Berg, 1952, p. 452; Grum-Grzhimailo, 1894, p.268).

Seasonal differences have had an impact on the life support system of the local population. The economic year of the Amur aborigines was divided into cycles: in the spring-summer season, they were engaged in fishing and gathering; in the autumn-winter season, they were engaged in gathering, fishing, and hunting. The dominance in the economic spectrum of a particular specialization depended on the specifics of the occupied areas. Conditions in the southern part of the Lower Amur region, the Sikhote-Alin foothills covered with broad-leaved forests, and the periphery of the East Siberian taiga zone favored the development of hunting for large forest animals and game (Startsev, 2005; Yanchev, 2006). On the coast of the Amur Estuary and the Tatar Strait, the proximity of the sea led to the appearance of St. John's wort among its inhabitants (Taksami, 1967; History and Culture of the Orochi, 2001).

The hydrological component has made adjustments to the fishing practice of the local population. The Amur water area consists of channels, streams, and lakes of various sizes, where more than 100 species of fish live, most of which are "aborigines" of the river, belonging to the tu - water ones (the life cycle takes place in fresh water bodies) [Novomodny, Zolotukhin, and Sharov, 2004, pp. 6-15]. In catching them, the local population mostly used hook and piercing tools - harpoons, spears, rods, and fishing rods. Such equipment is designed for individual use and has found application in ice fishing, as well as in small-group fishing groups that have settled at the sources of rivers, small rivers ,and lakes [Taksami, 1975, p. 12-26; Istoriya i kul'tura orochey, 2001, p. 45-47; Mazin, 1992, p. 106-113]. In river fishing, technical devices, tools such as traps, seines, and nets designed for collective labor were also used. First of all, such fishing gear is necessary in the fishing of passing fish that migrate in large herds from the ocean to rivers. Fishing, which requires planned and prompt actions of the collective, became available to fishermen who were soldered together in a community and leading a sedentary lifestyle [Brazhnikov, 1900, pp. 5-61].

The arrival of salmon at certain intervals of the spring and autumn season became not only a reference point in the fishing calendar, but also an ethno-differentiating marker separating nomadic and semi-sedentary peoples. The natural factor expressed in the species of salmon wandering along the river, with their own biological cycle and the number of individuals in the spawning population, played a certain role in the economies of local population groups dispersed along the rivers, branches and main channel of the Amur River. The most valuable salmon species are chinook (oncorhynchus thawytsha) and coho (oncorhynchus kisutch), which enter the river from May to late autumn. From May to July, the emerging sima (oncorhynchus masou), which looks similar to coho salmon, appeared in the language of the indigenous population of the XIX - early XX centuries under the names kizuch, tsani.

Mass catch of cold-tolerant salmon species-sockeye salmon (oncorhynchus nerka), pink salmon (oncorhynchus nerka).

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chusgorbusa), chum salmon (oncorhynchus keta), migrating from spring to late autumn, served as the basis for the development of the economy of the aborigines of the Amur Valley [Derber. Sher, 1927, p. 145; Novomodny, Zolotukhin, and Sharov, 2004, p. 37-39; Soldatov, 1928, p. 111-114]. However, there were some differences in the direction of salmon fishing. Among the Nivkhs, sockeye salmon played a secondary role and almost no stocks were made. Further up the river from the mouth, where pink salmon appears in smaller numbers in spring and autumn, and chum salmon only at certain intervals in summer and autumn, the arrival of sockeye salmon, although not frequent, was a desirable event for the Ulchi and Nanai people. In the season when the rest of the fish was poor, they harvested sockeye salmon for future use [Soldatov, 1928, p. 113-114; Schrenk, 1899, p.226]. In the estuarine part of the Amur River and on the Lower Amur plain, there are large herds of chum salmon and pink salmon (numbering up to 1 million people). individuals) provided year-round food for riverine residents. In the spring and summer period, pink salmon rushes to the Amur, rising along the riverbed and diverging to spawn along tributaries, shallow rivers up to their sources. L. I. Schrenk noted the key role of this species of salmon in the Amur and primorye Nivkhs, Orochs, Ulchs, Negidals - those nationalities that are settled along side tributaries. In the area of ulchi, pink salmon fishing was carried out by residents of the floodplain area of the Amur River and Lake Baikal. The Cadi. The situation was different with the Nanai population, who lived on lakes, in the taiga zone, and in the upper reaches of the Amur River. In the upper part of the main riverbed, this fish was practically unknown, and it was not mentioned in the taiga area-on Gorin (where the Samagirs, later the Gorin group of Nanais, lived) [Schrenk, 1899, p. 226].

The greatest value in the lower reaches of the Amur is represented by chum salmon, which appears in the river in summer (from 6-8 July to 10-12 August) and in autumn (in early September). It surpasses pink salmon in terms of taste and herd size (especially in autumn Putin). In the past, a successful keto fishery served as a guarantee of a comfortable one-year existence. In the Amur basin, chum salmon makes the longest spawning path in the entire Pacific water area. There are cases when individuals of this salmon species reached Khabarovsk and Blagoveshchensk (Grum-Grzhimailo, 1894, pp. 352-353). The moments of passing huge ket shoals were fixed in the memory of the people in the form of legends. One of them, recorded in the Nanai village of Verkhny Nergen, tells about the times when salmon in the Amur River were so numerous that their backs protruding from the water, you could walk to the other side of the river (PMA*, informant Fr. E. Kiele, Nanai district, Verkhny Nergen village, July 11, 1995). We also see a picture of fish abundance in the" Reply "of the Cossacks of 1652:" We fed the Cossacks all winter in the Achan city with fish, and we caught fish with iron hooks and fed our heads with that fish "(cit. according to [Vasiliev, 2003, p. 222]). M. I. Venyukov noted in one of his reports on the Amur survey: "... there were so many fish that they jumped into the boat" (cit. by: [Michi, 1868, p. 335]).

If at the first stage salmon fish retains all its nutritional qualities (in the fishing environment it is called silverfish), then it loses its value further. At the final stage, having spent the energy accumulated in the ocean, it decreases and deforms (turns into a catfish). Herds of Far Eastern salmon are thinning closer to the source of the Amur River, diverging along tributaries and rivers to spawn [Alyabyev, 1872, p. 61; Priamurye..., 1909, p.227-229].

The peculiarities of salmon migration formed the basis for the criteria for zoning commercial farms in the Lower Amur region. L. I. Schrenk conditionally divided the entire Lower Amur territory into three zones - the left bank with tributaries, the lower and upper parts of the Amur valley. In the lower part, where the river is full of passing fish, fishing was the mainstay of the life support of local residents (Nivkhs, Ulchs, Amur Nanais). The salmon catch played a secondary role in the economy of the population of the upper part of the valley and the side tributaries of the Amur (Orochi, Negidaltsy, Gorinsky, Ussuri Nanai), and the use of river fish and meat increased here. In the southern regions (places where the Ussuri, Kurormi Nanai, and Udege people live) covered with broad-leaved forests, the lack of salmon production was compensated by the extraction of meat and eggs of the Amur turtle. Among the inhabitants of the left bank (Gorinsky Nanai, Negidalians), where autumn passing fish came to the Amur tributaries in small quantities, the economy was based on catching river and lake fish; hunting elk, fur - bearing animals, and game in floodplain and taiga areas [Schrenk, 1899, pp. 146-148].

Settlement of the Lower Amur region as a spatial expression of the economic orientation and social stratification of the indigenous population

The natural conditions and economic specifics that determined the settlement of fishing groups in the Lower Amur region bring them closer to early agricultural communities [Vasilevsky, Krupyanko, Tabarev, 1997, pp. 39-48; Shnirelman, 1993]. Seasonal migration of large schools of salmon along the main channel and tributaries of the Amur River led to an intensive form of fishing, which made it unnecessary to change the place of residence in search of a source of food. -

* Author's field materials.

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describing the fishing farms of the lower reaches of the Amur River, Kov noticed the peculiarity of fishing among the Nivkhs, who from time immemorial put their fishing tools - "races" - in the same places, inherited from generation to generation [1900, p. 15]. Even settlements were settled in places that were convenient for fishing - near the mouths of small channels, in the so-called paddy, especially on gentle low-lying capes, which owe their origin to the deposition of river sediments [Ibid., p. 14].

From the mouth towards the upper reaches, the Amur riverbed makes loop-like bends to the left, then to the right; the current splits into several channels with the formation of banks (shoals), islands, respectively, the fairway of the river is divided into several sectors with the paths of salmon paths running along them. Branching out the total fish flow along migration lines already presents difficulties for fishers in tracking which route salmon will take. At the beginning of the putina river, in the freshwater estuary, the divergence of red fish paths is minimal. Because of the large number of continuously swimming salmon estuaries and small rivers look especially attractive for fishing. Among the Nivkhs of the Amur estuary and estuary, the Itelmen of Kamchatka, the Orochi of the Tatar Strait coastal zone, and the Indians of the North American coast, from Alaska to California, the choice of strategy and tactics of life is dictated by such an "abundance of fish". When fishing for salmon in this zone, traps of the "check-in" and "constipation" types were used, installed by small groups of people (from 2 to 4 people) and allowing them to move away from the fishing site for some time [Gavrilova and Tabarev, 2006, p. 14-19; History and Culture of the Orochi, 2001, p. 47; Silnitsky, 1902, p. 20; Shnirelman, 1993, p. 100-105]. They also used "run-ins", but this method of fishing turned out to be less effective on the Amur channel at a considerable distance from the mouth [Smolyak, 1966, p. 34]. Among the Lower Amur Nanais, fishing tactics included maneuvers on the water, rapid casting of nets or seines to intercept a fish flock moving along its chosen path (Lopatin, 1922, pp. 128-129). In this case, the network of islands located in the middle of the channel played the role of observation points for approaching shoals. Each island site was assigned to families who settled there for the duration of fishing. In the data of the 1897 census, temporary settlements are represented by camps with the number of farms from two to four. A significant part of large settlements (up to 14 farms) was concentrated along the main channel of the Amur River (Patkanov, 1912, pp. 956-966). According to a survey of the Ulch and Nanai populations in the Ulch, Komsomol and Nanai districts of the Khabarovsk Territory, it was possible to identify the location of some small temporary settlements, surrounded by stationary coastal settlements. In the Ulchi district, on the islands near the villages of Kalinovka and Sofiysk, there were Daitsu, Khuli, Kochakta, and Mulinka camps; opposite the Nanai village of Nizhni Halby-Ondy, Chuchi, Oxyan, and Stan (now abandoned). In the Nanai district, near the villages of Lidoga and Naikhin, there once existed the villages of Jonki, Dondon, Torgon, and Kurun. Some informants claim that, despite the fishing potential of the developed areas, they remained risky for life, often flooded, and therefore were abandoned (PMA, 2008, informants L. N. Samar, V. I. Geiker, Komsomolsky district, Nizhniye Halby village, 5 Sep; G. D. Konovalov, P. I. Yeuka Ulch district, Sofiysk village, September 9; B. C. Geiker, U. A. and E. P. Odzyal, September 22).

The most protected from natural disasters were coastal (or terraced) settlements that emerged in places convenient for fishing activities [Sem, 1973, pp. 27-29]. They were located at some distance from the water's edge, often on the leeward side of the hill. When choosing a place, we took into account the obligatory presence of a gentle coastal platform that is convenient for mooring boats. Areas with a curved coastline forming a small backwater with maximum depth were considered favorable. Such river backwaters not only abounded in freshwater species, but also represented a kind of "transit territory" of passing fish. The toponymy of terraced settlements reflects the fishing orientation with reference to the hydrological specifics of the area. For example, Dada (Da, Dda) - "mouth", "exit point" (i.e., a place convenient for going hunting or fishing); Sikachi-Alyan - "cliff with a lake"; Dyerga (Daerga) - "fishing" (the second option is "big tonya") Lower Halbs - "a place where fish accumulate"; Sinda - "an exit from the ice hole", "a narrow channel"; Naikhin - "a person and a river" [Beldy, 2005, p. 13, 20, 30, 35; Lopatin, 1922, p. 77] (PMA, 2008, informants A. I. Khaitanin, L. N. Samar, Komsomolsky district, Nizhniye Halby village, 5); E. K. Onenko, M. G. Kimonko, Nanai district, Sinda village, 16 September 17; A. K. Beldy, Nanai district, Naikhin village, September 23). The location of modern Nanai and Ulch villages corresponds to their toponymic semantics. The landscape feature of the Ulch village of Kalinovka (formerly called Kadi - "cliff") is an elevated place and the presence of a small backwater near it, which serves as a sign of a fishing area (PMA, informant L. A. Munina, Khabarovsk district, Sikachi-Alyan village, September 8. 2008). The Nanai villages of Naihin, Dada, Sinda, and Jari have access to the tonevy areas and salmon shoal paths.

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In terraced villages, the linear principle of housing and outbuildings (along the shoreline) was formed, according to Yu. A.Sem. in the era of the decomposition of tribal society and the separation of patriarchal families. Fishing necessity forced isolated family groups to develop coastal terraces, especially near Toney [Sem, 1973, p. 28].

The layout of temporary and stationary settlements reflects the economic focus on seasonal fishing. Summer settlements (among the Nanai Irga), consisting of gable-roof structures and spherical huts (dauro, khomoron, aundya were built of twigs and bark), were located near water. Household structures of winter (stationary terraced) settlements were located at some distance from the shore. The working sector occupied a large area of the estate [Ibid., p. 33; Smolyak, 1966, p. 67-76]. In it, the gradation of buildings with a fishing character (drying houses, hangings, and barns) emphasized their narrowly functional affiliation. On the single poles of the sledge, which were located in one or two tiers, the nets were dried. Items were stored on the peulen hangers on the lower tier, and chum salmon was dried on the upper deck. On desyu, consisting of two pairs of stakes driven into the ground, dried yukola with the help of a fire built on the ground; on dapsi, dried yukola for dogs [History and culture of Ulchi..., 1994, p. 53-54; Sem, 1973, p. 78-80]. The division of takto barns into "edible", "taiga", "dog", "for valuables", etc.also reflected the range of economic activities of the community.

Researchers of the XIX century, observing the life in the villages of the Manguns (Ulchi) and Golds (Nanai), noted a curious detail characteristic of early agricultural communities - the maintenance of domestic and domesticated animals, which not only performed a commercial function (like dogs that help in hunting and fishing), but also protected food supplies from rodents, predatory animals. birds. From the observations of A. Michi: the manguns "directly near the apartment building there are fences made of poles for drying fish. Often, a tame bald eagle is tied to such hedges. These eagles are taken out of the nest as chicks and raised by feeding fish. They guard the hanging fish from attacks by other birds... In addition to tame bears and eagles, the manguns also keep owls to exterminate rats" [1868, pp. 277-278]. R. Maak also notes the domestication of eagles by manguns in his "Journey across the Amur" [1859, p. 143]. Among the Golds, the economic and sacred practice of breeding pigs and cats guarding barns was an integral part of the ichthyophage culture [Michi, 1868, p.321]. The resulting catch was also used to feed domesticated animals. For Europeans, the meat of pigs "fattened up by almost one fish" turned out to be unusual [Ibid.]. The use of different parts of fish,including skin (primarily salmon species) as raw materials for the manufacture of clothing, implies a social and labor division in its extraction and processing. Internal zoning (division by sectors) of various types of barns is a projection of the primary social structure of the fishing society, in particular, the ratio of male and female participation in labor processes. The Nanais had fishing equipment (Bataori khadyun taktoni) in a separate outbuilding that was related to male labor operations (Istoriya i kul'tura nanaytsev, 2003, p. 101). In the" edible " barn of shiaori takto (ni) in the center there was a large basere table, conditionally divided into two halves: on one side lay men's fishing tools (nets, seines), on the other - food supplies (yucola, fish oil, imported cereals, dried wild plants). Indus Taktoni's "dog barn" also provided space for fishing products, but primarily those related to women's labor. In the eastern part of the pile house there was a yucca for dogs and dog harness, in the western part there were women's things-household items and household crafts. Men did not have the right to enter this barn; women were its rightful owners [Sem, 1973, pp. 70-75].

In the 19th and early 20th centuries, the economic topography of barns as structures for storing communal property and surplus goods schematically reproduced differentiated control over property in the form of fishing equipment and processed prey, which had value for the entire community.

Formation of territorial-neighborly community and specifics of social relations among Ulchi and Amur Nanais

In the 19th and early 20th centuries, the Nanai and Ulchi society was at the stage of disintegration of the patriarchal-tribal way of life. The clan ceased to be the highest link of the social structure, it lacked signs of unity of territory and economic occupations, which was clearly manifested in the organization of settlements and crafts [Istoriya i kultura nanaytsev, 2003, p. 37-42; Istoriya i kultura ulchey..., 1994, p. 16-25; Smolyak, 1970, p. 274-278]. According to the census of 1897, in the area of the Amur Nanais and Ulchi, each village had a mixed ancestral composition. For example, representatives of the Beldy, Jaxor, Kilen, Poussard, and Khozer clans lived in the Dondon camp (20 farms -148 people) in Troitskaya Volost; in the village of Naikhin (33 farms -

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176 people) - Beldy, Kiele, Geiker, Jaxor, Neergu, Ojal, Samar. The settlements of Naihin, Dondoka, Torgon, and Sinda were assigned to the Belda clan. Muhu, Dada, Dyerga, Dondon, Khalan, Djari, Doli; after the genus Jaxor (Zaksor) - Halbu, Gordomi, Naikhin, Dondon; after the genus Kile (Kile) - Onida, Cheuche, Naikhin, Dondoka, Torgon, Dondon (Patkanov, 1912, pp. 960-971).

The situation was similar in the Ulchi villages (mostly villages). Members of the Duvan, Olchi, Orosugbu, Udzyal, and Dechuli clans lived in Bulava; in the villages of Mongol - Valdyu, Derincha, Sigdeli, Dyaksul, and Samar. Representatives of the Ulchi Dechuli family were found in the villages of Angan, Bulava, Dyren, Kada, Koton, Mulka, Pulsa, and Udan; the Duvan family - Bulava, Kada, Mai, Mulka, and Pulsa; and the Valdyu family - Kadushka, Mai, and Mongol (Smolyak, 1975, pp. 95-96).

Despite the lack of economic ties and territorial unity, most members of the same clan had a common origin, as indicated by the ethnonym. The Nanai clan (hala) was divided into several generations (Dyalan), which had a common male ancestor. Each of them united brothers and sisters who inherited the property of the clan and solved socio-legal and religious issues of their clan [Istoriya i kul'tura nanaytsev, 2003, p.37-38; Lopatin, 1922, p. 185-186]. With the disintegration of the generic organization, the genus began to include representatives of other (small) genera, even those who belonged to a foreign-speaking, non-ethnic environment. As a result, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, both Nanai and Ulchi clans were conglomerates that included patronymics, branches, and territorial associations of relatives and "outsiders".

Groups of the largest Ulchi Dechuli family in terms of number settled and received various names by place of residence-Kotoncho, Suchuncha, Gulmakhuncha. In addition, Dechuli included divisions of various origins that had their own ancestral flints and rituals-Ygdimseli, Derincha, Dauncha, Suchuncha (Smolyak, 1975, p. 98).

The Nanai clan of Beldy (according to the 1897 census, 929 people) united numerous territorial groups. Some of them were native substrates that had been dissolved in the aliens. The four genera - Oitankan, Gyhynken, Sayankan, and Yringken-that were included in Belda did not have a genetic relationship with each other. The Sayankans even have a legend that they are close relatives of the Buryats and came from the upper reaches of the Amur River, descending with their families on rafts [Lopatin, 1922, p. 189-190; Patkanov, 1912, p. 956; Sem, 1959, p. 2-30; Smolyak, 1970, p. 273; 1975, p. 115, 118]. Within a large family, marriages between representatives of different divisions were allowed [Smolyak, 1970, p. 269; 2001, p. 17].

The mechanism of formation of large genera is reflected in the economic and settlement structure of the Lower Amur region. I. A. Lopatin noted that each Nanai settlement represented a territorial-neighboring community located on sites with a complex of winter buildings. A group of up to 25 people, consisting of small (monogamous) families and performing the function of a large patriarchal family, could live in a fanza (Manchu - type winter dwelling) [Lopatin, 1922, pp. 168-169]. Homesteads with a group of relatives or small families united under one roof were adjacent to similar homesteads. All of them, in fact, were separate economic systems. During salmon fishing, neighborhood groups would come together. All the families that were part of the community sewed a single large net from their nets. When fishing, members of a large team worked together, but all the catch was divided into shares according to the size of the nets. Even in patronymics, what was jointly extracted was distributed among the groups included in it (Istoriya i kul'tura nanaytsev, 2003, p. 41-44; Lopatin, 1922, p. 190-192; Smolyak, 1970, p.297).

In the Lower Amur region, the rule of aid exchange (helping a neighbor) [Semenov, 1999] became the foundation of social relations. Fishermen often had to change fishing grounds due to changes in the bottom topography, shallowing of some areas and deepening of others, which affected the quality of the catch [Smolyak, 1966, p. 56; 1970, p.276]. Natural conditions forced them to move to another place, more favorable in terms of fishing. In the new territory, the newcomers joined a group of old-timers, helping them with fishing. In collective work, it was easier for the owners of the place to rely on newcomers- "strangers" than on relatives who lived in the distance [Smolyak, 1970, pp. 296-298].

Territorial association of old-timers with immigrants took place through the Doha Institute [Ibid., pp. 288-290]. A contract was concluded between groups by exchanging widows from one clan for an axe (or piece of jade) from another, according to which they became sister clans with the obligation of mutual protection and mutual assistance in the field. All members of the family association were subject to the rules of exogamy, only after three generations they were allowed to enter into marital relations (PMA, informant R. A. Samar, Sunny district, S. Condon, November 20, 1998). The business union allowed small newcomers or old-timers to receive support from outside. This is how the Nanai genera Passar and Gail, Odzyal and Saigor, Odzyal and Geiker, Alcheka and Tumali became related to each other (Smolyak, 1975, p.130). According to the legend of the Ulch family Duvan, his ancestors came to the lower reaches of the Amur River from

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upper reaches. Three families-Duvan, Olchi and Kiele-descended from the upper reaches of the Amur River on wooden dugout boats. Initially, they stopped near modern Khabarovsk. But they didn't like this place because of the large number of people. They sailed on and stopped at a place called Kargi (near Komsomolsk), which they also did not like because of the meager supplies of fish and animals. We had to make a stop near Dyai (modern Sofiysk), where we lived for six months, and the paths of the three families diverged at this point. Kiele and Olchi continued down the river. Man of Mig (name of one of the ancestors of the Duvan family) with his relatives, he lived in the old place for another six months, hunting fur-bearing animals, and headed towards Kidi (modern Mariinsk), where the Hada Khuran mountain was visible. A wealthy man lived near it, who offered to stay with the newcomers, helping them pack their things. The settlers in the new place built a house in which it was possible to keep three bears (a large number of tamed bears was equal to wealth, and their owner was considered an important person). After three years of keeping the bears, the owner of the place, who is also an elder, offerednewcomers to become his relatives. The doha alliance was made in a house over a hearth in which a fire was kindled by friction. Having intermarried through this hearth, the two families - the settlers and the owners of the place-became relatives forever (PMA, informant M. S. Duvan, Ulch district, village of Bulava, August 17, 1992).

From the above data, it follows that the practice of migration in the area of the Ulchi and Nanai and, as a result, the formation of settlements of diverse composition were inseparable from commercial interests, in which the main landmark was the Amur estuary, rich in passing fish.

Conclusion

In the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries, salmon farming continued to play a key role in the life of the Ulchi and Amur Nanai people. The peculiarities of Pacific salmon migration, expressed in species composition and routes, left their mark on the settlement system, way of life, labor sphere, and social relations of the Tungus-Manchu population groups living in the Bolshaya river valley.

It should be noted that with the loss of the economic status of the family on the Amur River, social and religious ties remained between its members, which developed into a tradition of visiting their relatives in different parts of the Amur region. This also played a role in the practice of survival. In the case of dispersed dispersal and a small population, communication links contributed to the renewal of the gene pool and stimulated the development of integration processes. Before the industrial development of the south of the Far East, the Lower Amur region was a region with a developed interethnic socio-cultural exchange, which arose on the basis of social and labor relations that originated in the ichthyophage society. The main intermediaries in the ethno-cultural dialogue were the Amur Nanais and Ulchi, who are connected with the Tungusic-speaking conglomerate (Negidals, Oroch) not only by kinship, common identity, self-designation of the Nani, economic and cultural complex, but also by the historical past.

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