The article is devoted to the ethno-cultural aspects of studying the therapeutic cult sculpture of Nanai Savans. The tradition of making and using this sculpture that existed within the framework of shamanism accumulated not only archaic ideas of the Amur peoples about the world, but also ecological, historical and cultural components. Analysis of the form and function of savens indicates their dual role: as embodiments of diseases and at the same time assistants to the shaman. The work is based on literary, archival sources and field materials of the author (results of a survey of Gorinsky and Amur Nanai residents).

Keywords: Nanai cult sculpture, shamanism, soul, spirits, disease, images of predators, tree species, transformation.

Introduction

In Russian ethnography and cultural studies, the cult sculpture of the peoples of the Lower Amur region is a special subject of research, being in form and content in close connection with a certain level of development of religious ideas, shamanic ritual practices, and historical and cultural influences of the Siberian-Pacific region. To date, this area has accumulated material that allows us to identify the evolution of images expressed in plastic forms. A comparison of a number of Neolithic artifacts and late-period cult figures makes it possible to identify the archaic layer in the semantics of sculptural images, as well as to trace the transformation of their ritual and ceremonial function. Thus, stone figures of a bear found in Neolithic monuments of Siberia and the southern Far East (Bratsk, Ilim, Suchu, Condon) emphasize its role as a totem, the first ancestor and the main figurant of commercial rituals. In the shamanic iconography of the ethnographic cultures of the Amur Valley, the bear and the cat family predator serve as markers of the sacred universe (Ivanov, 1937; Okladnikov, 1950; Tabarev, 1995, 1996; Maltseva, 2007).

In the early works of researchers of the Lower Amur region, information is given about the use of idols by local shamans, which are simplified, schematic images of a bear or tiger, which serve as indicators of shamanic power, its categories, and receptacles of spirits [Schrenk, 1903; Sternberg, 1933]. I. A. Lopatin in his monograph on the Golds (Nanais), paid special attention to a complex worldview complex, reflected not only in oral traditions, family and everyday life, and religious rituals, but also in the semantics of ritual sculpture, which reproduced the mythological picture of the world [1922]. The clearest classification of the categories of shamanic spirits personified in three-dimensional images is found in the works of P. P. Shimkevich [1896]

The work was financially supported by the Russian Foundation for Natural Science (Project No. 11 - 01 - 18034e) within the framework of the thematic plan (R & D 1.5.09) and the Rosobrazovaniya project (RNP 2.2.1.1/1822).

and S. M. Shirokogorov [1919; Shirokogorov, 1980], which became the result of many years of field training among the Nanai and Tungus people. In the first half of the 20th century, the accumulated data on peoples from the Urals to the Pacific Ocean helped D. K. Zelenin and St. Nicholas to develop their knowledge of the world. Ivanov drew cultural parallels between Siberia and the Far East based on a comparative analysis of the terminology, form, and content of cult images [Zelenin, 1936; Ivanov, 1937, 1954, 1970, 1979]. It should be noted that in Russian ethnography, ritual figures of the Lower Amur region were designated by the terms burkhans, ongons, used in the Mongolian and Turkic environment. Far Eastern scientists introduced the concept of seenn, which is used by the autochthonous population [Kubanova, 1992; Kiele, 1995; Bereznitsky, 2003]. The tradition was established by V. K. Arsenyev, who in his travel notes used the word seon to denote both the shamanic spirit and its wooden image [1989, p. 296, 350-353]. S. M. Shirokogorov, during field research in the Tungusic area, identified several variations of the spirit designation: in the" Gold " language seon, in Tungusic seven, Ulchi sevo, which is fundamentally different from the Manchurian osco. The similarity of terms brings the Nanai people closer to the northern Tungus in terms of their worldview and ritual-ritual complex (Shirokogoroff, 1926; Shirokogorov, 1980). N. A. Lipskaya made a significant contribution to the study of the ritual attributes of the Nanai people. The results of her trips in 1936-1937 in the form of reports (as yet unpublished) are kept in the archives of the MAE RAS (F. 5. Op. 2. N 60. 149 l.). Another researcher of the peoples of the Lower Amur region, A. V. Smolyak, interpreted the cult sculpture in the framework of shamanic themes as a "receptacle" of the spirits of the elements-the shaman's patrons and indicators of its strength [1976, 1991].

Materials obtained during expeditions in the Nanai area have been added to the ethnographic collections of many Russian academic and local history museums (MAHE RAS, REM, Khabarovsk Regional Museum of Local Lore, Komsomolsk-on-Amur City Museum of Local Lore and Art, Museum of History and Culture of the Peoples of Siberia and the Far East, IAET SB RAS). The collections of cult paraphernalia, including sculpture, allow us to examine in detail the structure, semantics, and components of the algorithm of animistic views, which has been successfully done in some research works [Bereznitsky, 2003; Kubanova, 1992]. A culturological approach, an ethnogenetic aspect, and a structural-semiotic analysis expand the methodological basis for studying the early stage of the genesis of forms and technologies of plastic art, the traditional model of the Nanai world, with the identification of Doshaman and shamanic layers, elements and complexes of foreign cultural influence [Ivanov, 1937, 1963; Ostrovsky, 2009; Sem, 2003a, b].

Despite the well-formed body of sources on the traditional worldview of the Nanai people (records of observations, surveys, photographs, sketches, objects of worship), the medical, ecological and social aspects of cult sculpture remain insufficiently studied. One of the main reasons for this is the long-term ban on scientific discussion of religious issues in Russian ethnography. The stereotypical attitude of scientists to objects of worship as "remnants of the past" is largely due to the anti-religious campaign of the People's Commissariat of Education in the 1920s-1930s. In the 1954-1960's, during the "Khrushchev thaw", objects related to shamanic worship were also destroyed [Melnikova, 2006; On the Edge of Worlds..., 2006; Slezin, 2009]. The unfolded ideological and educational work among the indigenous population led to a demonstrative rejection of the shamanic faith, which has a "class anti-scientific essence", which was sometimes expressed in getting rid of idols [Maltseva, 2009; Samar E. V., 2003]. The result of the persecution was the concealment of Savans in the attic, conducting shamanic rituals in secluded places. This also led to the concealment of many elements of spiritual traditions, as indicated by the results of expedition research in the Nanai and Khabarovsk districts of the Khabarovsk Territory in 2011.

At the end of the 20th century, the interest of the scientific community in the topic of medical practice of the peoples of the south of the Far East in the system of animistic and shamanic beliefs grew, as evidenced by a number of works by domestic researchers. They discuss the use of cult paraphernalia in healing magic, the peculiarities of traditional medicine in the ethno-cultural aspect, and the concept of diseases in the context of a traditional worldview [Gaer, 1978; Podmaskin, 2003; Ostrovsky, 1990; Samar A. P., 1998].

Currently, it is possible to expand the scope of analysis of the accumulated material on the cult sculpture of Nanai people by referring to the experience of domestic and foreign studies. The theoretical basis for its interpretation as a socio-cultural phenomenon can be S. M. Shirokogorov's concepts of the role of " primary "(natural external) and" secondary " (cultural) environments in the development of ethnic community and culture. Moran, who developed the "ecological approach" in medical anthropology (American School). In this theoretical context, the cult sculpture of the Nanai people not only corresponds to the conservative experience of traditional medicine, but also reflects the peculiarities of the environment, as well as changes in the social structure [Shirokogorov, 2002; Moran, 2000].

The concept of "disease" in the context of animistic ideas and shamanic ritual practice of the Nanai people

In the traditional Nanai worldview, the concept of "disease "is associated with the idea of norm and pathology, determined by the state of the soul or the attitude of" disembodied " spirits to a person. In the Nanai concept of the world, there were several categories of the soul as an immaterial substance. The term ergen (i) conveyed the meanings of "life force, energy", "breath", "fate", which is comparable to the cosmic, natural force that gives life to everything. The" soul " enclosed in the human body or located near it was called panya (fanya) and served as a shadow; it was this soul that the shaman took to the buni (world of the dead) after the person's death. In a child up to a year old, the soul was in the omia stage. In the event of the infant's death, it would take up residence in the body of a bird perched on the heavenly family tree of Omia moni. When omia descended to earth, she entered the womb of a woman, where she was transformed by contact with her internal organs and skeleton into the mortal soul of uksuki (Lopatin, 1922, p.199-200; Smolyak, 1991, p. 101-131). According to I. I. Kozminsky, the process of soul rebirth among the Gorin Nanai people was slightly different from the Amur variant. In their religious worldview, three categories were distinguished: pania (panya) - vital soul; zulemzi-remains on earth after a person's death and is capable of becoming a spirit; morso - an invisible double tree that grows at the beginning of a person's life and falls with his death [Kozminsky, 1929, pp. 43-44].

This substance, which has several incarnations responsible for the physical and spiritual life of people, was adjacent to the world of invisible spirits, which were far from benevolent towards man. Many ethnographers of the late XIX - early XX centuries tried to cover the diversity of the world of spiritual entities in their works. But the information obtained in various places of the Nanai area contradicted each other in the descriptions of the structure of the sacred world and the niches occupied by spirits in the environment. For example, I. A. Lopatin divided the entire pantheon of the invisible environment of the Nanai people into three categories: the highest (heavenly) - enduri, the middle (earthly) - seons, and the lowest - buseu. The Seon class also included spirits of the Don borrowed from neighboring peoples (Lopatin, 1922, pp. 210-214; Shirokogorov, 1919, p. 4). 66, 71 - 72, 74 - 75]. S. M. Shirokogorov, who conducted research among the Tungusic peoples, introduced the term Burkan as a designation of the spirit that exists outside the human body and causes it is evil to him; whereas seon (syuwen) is a shamanic spirit. The souls of the dead became burqans, eventually turning into sievens [Shirokogorov, 1919, p. 65-78]. I. A. Lopatin abandoned the term "burqans".burkan in relation to the Nanai idol, indicating that the Nanai people call spirits differently [1922, p. 219].

Based on the results of field research, A.V. Smolyak concluded that the Russian transcription of seenen corresponds to the designation of spirit in the Nanai vocabulary [1991, p. 69]. Modern materials of the survey of Gorinsky and Amur Nanai residents are consistent with her conclusion. But it is necessary to pay attention to the following detail: representatives of the Kavur branch of the Gorin Nanai emphasized that the free shamanic spirit is called seve, and the person enclosed in the figure becomes seven (PMA*, S. Condon, Sunny district, informant K. I. Digor, 16.08.2001). This indicates a pre-shamanic animistic layer in their worldview. Patrons of various elements, objects of nature had a formless supernatural essence, as a protective measure, it was enclosed in sculptural images that played the role of "straitjackets". In shamanic practice, the subdued spirit became a helper in this way. The transformation of seve into seeen was carried out according to the rules of taboo, when in its image it was forbidden to convey the features of a particular animal or person, to highlight the upper limbs, eyes, nostrils, through which the spirit could negatively affect a person (PMA, G. Komsomolsk-on-Amur, informant E. D. Samar, 10.06.1997; Verkhny Nergen village, Nanai district, informants O. A. Zaksor, A. E. Gaida, 11.09.2011). Circumstances that lead to the production of seees were more often associated with disorders in the human body. When symptoms appeared (fever, bleeding, pain, etc.), a person turned for help to a tudin (clairvoyant, fortune teller) or a shaman of medium strength - siurink (healer), who determined which spirit caused the disease, and advised to make a "receptacle" for it, turning to a special master. The next ritual included moving in," blowing "(Nan. iliochi - "to put") a spiritual entity into the figure (PMA, Naikhin village, Nanai district, informant R. A. Beldy, 28.08.2011)**. In this case, the cult sculpture was an expression of the nature of the disease (therapeutic, neurological, psychiatric) and its corresponding symptoms. In the context of animistic ideas, an important role was played by which road (along mountain and taiga trails, waterways) and at what time of day (morning, daytime, and night) seve arrives [Lopatin, 1922, p. 215; Shirokogorov, 1919, p.66-68]. Therefore, in the ritual of the roomseea in sculptural image

* Author's field materials.

** According to A.V. Smolyak, the process of "infestation" is epili [1991, p. 75].

1. Collection of cult sculpture in the museum of Dada village, Nanai district, Khabarovsk Krai. In the middle is the figure of Horaliko in her clothes.

a rope (or thread) tied with one end to the shaman's belt and the other to the sculpture symbolized one of the roads in the sacred world. In the animistic, shamanic worldview," disease-causing " spirits had a gradation. Among the Amur Nanai people, they were divided into seee, horaliko, and iboha (busu). Seee is the patron saint of the natural element, causing pain to a person, but after being" subdued " by a shaman, he fell into the rank of shamanic helper spirits. Any female malaise was attributed to the influence of the horaliko, a" jealous " spirit that took possession of a woman and cohabited with her. This usually happened when the husband left his wife for a long time to go hunting. A.V. Smolyak gives many examples of the treatment of a horaliko enclosed in a sculpture [1991, p. 74 - 75]. The figure playing the role of the husband's double was carefully cared for ("fed", dressed) for therapeutic purposes (PMA, S. Naikhin, informant R. A. Beldy, 28.08.2011). This type of three-dimensional images does not belong to shamanic attributes, its owners were women. In the museum of S. Dada, you can see a wooden sculpture that conveys the stylized image of a human bear. A specially made garment with a national decor indicates that the figure is considered a horaliko (Fig. 1). Three-dimensional images of iboh (beads) made of straw were the embodiment of specific diseases. They were never stored at home. According to the Amur Nanai people, the shaman, having driven the disease into the bead, got rid of it, taking it deep into the forest, throwing it into a ravine, in order to avoid detection (PMA, S. Naikhin, informant R. A. Beldy, 28.08.2011). For more detailed information, we find A.V. Smolyak, who happened to meet with the strong (killer whales) and middle (siurinku) shamans. Among her interviewees in the 1960s and 1970s were shamans Gara Geiker, Onenko Molo, and Beldy Matvey. In the village of Naikhin, Nanai district, they are still remembered. According to A.V. Smolyak, in order to pacify the spiritThe shaman corrected the seee that could cause harm to anyone, "cutting off" the harmful manifestations, which he placed in oxoka straw dolls [1991, p. 76] (busyaku, according to R. A. Belda). Modern informants from among the descendants of Amur shamans explain that the rituals of treating people were one of the forms of open shamanism, when the shaman worked together with a tudin or shaman-partner. He needed to get rid of the destructive energy of the spirits he was absorbing. The invited assistant neutralized it. Tudin was also charged with checking the correct actions of the shaman-healer (PMA, S. Naikhin, informant of the PH. Beldy, 28.08.2011). In the final act, seee, who sends illness to a person, after" pacifying " (made out by making seeeen) passed into the category of shamanic spirits. Strong and medium shamans could have up to several dozen seenoe, which is an indicator of their strength. Seenas were divided into receptacles of spirits of mountains, taiga and water elements, which caused headaches, heart pain, spine pain, and joint pain, respectively, and diseases of the genitourinary system. There is a continuity in shamanic medical practice. Active Shamanhe discovered his neophyte, who had the ability to contact spirits, the signs of which were hallucinations, inappropriate behavior, and repetitiveness of the picture in a dream (PMA, S. Naikhin, informants R. A. Beldy, 28.08.2011; S. S. Beldy, 30.08.2011). In the area of settlement of the Amur Nanais, the practice of treating people was formed as a kind of shamanic rites, and on the territory of the Amur On the Amur River, this area occupied a leading position in terms of the number of siurinku and Kasata shamans.

Classification and semantics of Nanai savens related to medical practice

According to the shamanic world order, three spheres of outer space - the upper (celestial), middle (terrestrial), and lower (underground) - were obi-

the body of many deities and spirits. The celestial one, divided into several tiers, became a haven of deities in the guise of people-patrons of stars, cities, and childbirth [Smolyak, 1991, p. 12-21; Pereverzeva, 2005, p.107-108]. The iconography of the underground sphere with the geken and dorkin regions (places under the sea and underground, where eternal darkness and monsters live) formed a demonological and secret layer of shamanic knowledge about the structure of the other world [Smolyak, 1991, pp. 21-22]. Only the kasata shaman could move in two spaces - upper and lower.

The middle sphere, divided into the taiga and water parts, united the patron spirits of mountains, taiga sites, animals, trees, rivers, lakes, swamps, and seas and turned out to be the closest to a person. In Earth's reality, the multiplicity of the world was extrapolated to ritual objects, the expressive means of which served as the quintessence of the Upper, Middle, or Lower Worlds. Wood as a natural material became the substance of the earthly world and, accordingly, the main raw material for making images-receptacles of spirits of the middle sphere. In the same capacity, it was used in the Siberian ritual complex (Ivanov, 1970, 1979; Zelenin, 1936).

The ritual wooden sculpture contains an archaic layer, which reflects the ecological and mythological ideas of the ethnic groups of the Amur Valley. In the Lower Amur environment, there were a number of canons and prohibitions in the technology of wood processing, which led to the predominance of religious content over artistic form. Rectangular or cylindrical blanks served as the basis for future receptacles of spirits. Sections and projections made at a certain angle created parts of the body, details of the sculpture, which together denoted the category of the spirit, the level of its power and the "road" in the sacred space. A conservative manifestation in ritual woodworking can be called a small set of tools (an axe and a giaso knife were used) and a taboo on the use of the words "cut", "plan", "saw" in the process of work, only the verb "do" was allowed [Ivanov, 1937, p. 3-7; Kubanova, 1992, p. 8 - 10]. Figures with laconic shapes and simplified silhouettes with anthropomorphic, zoomorphic, and polymorphic features characteristic of certain groups of Seien emerged from under the carver's axe and knife.

The therapeutic function and semantics of shamanic idols are discussed in detail in the works of P. P. Shimkevich [1896], S. M. Shirokogorov [1919], I. A. Lopatin [1922], A.V. Smolyak [1991], and S. V. Bereznitsky [2003]. The main group in their list is made up of Saven Ayami with anthropomorphic features. These spirits sent a disease on a person in order to use a shaman to inhabit the made image in order to receive a sacrifice (offerings were made to the Savens) [Lopatin, 1922, p.222; Smolyak, 1991, p. 86-88; Shimkevich, 1896, p. 39-40]. The second large group includes images of the animal world-birds, turtles, frogs (toads), bears, tigers, fish, which are at the same time symbols of the universe.

Seewen's wood texture matched his rank. Larch, pine, aspen, willow, birch, walnut, spruce, alder, apple tree were used in ritual carving as markers of sacred zones of the earth's space. They also reflected the tiered arrangement of vegetation in the projection of the mythical universe. Savenoe of the highest category - in Gorode (patrons of the mountains), Masi-Dyuli (patron of the hearth), Ayami (personal shamanic spirit) - was made from larch. Earth status was given to savens of the Duenteni group (Doont) in the form of a bear figure, for the manufacture of which all tree species were used. Special mention should be made of the Mue-Duenteniae (Toomu-Doonto, Temu), which conveyed the image of a mythical water bear; they were made from willow and peat (swamp hummocks), marking the floodplain landscape (Kubanova, 1992).

The inclusion of sevenoe in the vertical structure of the Universe, where the material and semantics of images played a significant role, determined the nature of their influence on a person, which was regarded as a form of a particular disease. Ayami spirits, for example (in the Amur Nanai Sagemi), located on the border with the celestial sphere, caused mental disorders and headaches (Figure 2). The spirits of the middle zone had a wide range of effects, causing somatic and neurological diseases of the lungs, heart, gastrointestinal tract, joints; rheumatism, sciatica. "Women's diseases" (postpartum bleeding, menstrual disorders) and diseases of the genitourinary system were associated with inhabitants of the water sphere (PMA, S. Naikhin, informant R. A. Beldy, 28.08.2011).

The semantic series was of no small importance in revealing the abilities of Savans. Among zoomorphic figures, stylized images of a bear and tiger occupy a special place. sv. Ivanov emphasized that in the Lower Amur decorative and religious art, the canonization of the image of the bear has reached its peak. The image of a bear is characteristic of peoples whose main occupation is hunting, and belongs to the Tunguska traditions [Ivanov, 1937, pp. 3-7]. However, the absence of images of deer and elk in the ritual complex of the Nanai people, which are widely used, for example, by the Evenks in the commercial cult, indicates the Pratungus influence from Eastern Siberia (Mazin, 1984, pp. 7-65). In the Nanai ritual round sculpture, the image of a bear served as a template, on which small details were applied, such as the image of a bear.-

Fig. 2. Seven of a group of patients (Segemi) from nervous and mental disorders (MICNS, N according to KP 1918 main).

3. Saven-amulet (image of a bear) for rheumatic pains (MYKNS. N according to KP 2097 main).

saven's floating point functions. Various combinations of traits made Savans with a bearish outline multifunctional. The spirit of the Duente bear (Doont) was the embodiment of the taiga and water spheres, mountains, and various diseases. According to informant R. A. Belda, in order to stop postpartum bleeding, the shaman summoned the spirit of a bear and "blew" it into a figure made from a swamp hummock with the features of a predator (PMA, S. Naikhin, 28.08.2011). Rheumatism and joint pain were also associated with Duente, as indicated by the Saven y amulets that convey the image of a bear with movable parts-joints (fig. 3).

The second type of saven is associated with the personification of the spirit of the tiger (leopard, leopard) as an ancestor, the embodiment of male and female shamanic power, and female diseases. In this category, you can distinguish horizontally located figures that have received different designations in different parts of the Nanai area. Among the Gorin Nanai, a rough-hewn wooden sculpture with a horizontally elongated tail, forked or ending in a thickening, was called Moha (Mohe) - " male shamanic power "(Fig. 4). A similar image, but only of a streamlined shape and with a narrowed tail, was called Hapo - "female shamanic power". In the complex, these savens were called Indaela totkorpani (roughly "Dog hitting the target") [Kubanova, 1992, p. 33-41]. Among the Amur Nanai, the horizontal figures with a cylindrical torso, denoting a tiger, were both savens and the embodiment of the" jealous " spirit of horaliko (Fig. 5). The horaliko group included images not only of the tiger - amba(seon), but also of the leopard - yarga, and the leopard - mari. These figures are of the same type, but differ in design: stripes were drawn on the body of a tiger imitating its color; rings and round spots were drawn on the body of a leopard or leopard (PMA, S. Naikhin, informator RA. Beldy, 28.08.2011). Saven Mokha was the embodiment of gastric diseases, abdominal pain and intestinal disorders [Ibid., pp. 33-43]. According to shamanic beliefs, the Moha had a tail with a pineal thickening at the end and, climbing into the human body, moved it, creating pain. Derivatives of Ambaseon, Yarga, UNV, Ayami P. P. Shimkevich, I. A. Lopatin.

4. Saven Moha (stylized image of a tiger) with the figure of Ayami for pain in the gastrointestinal tract, pain in cancer (MICNS, N according to KP 2088 main).

5. Saven Hapo, Ambaseon, horaliko figure (stylized image of a tiger/tigress) from stomach pains (MICNS, N according to KP 763 main).

complex, combined sevens. Yarga itself caused colds, high fever, typhoid fever, and lower back pain. The sculpture of Yarg with a small man (Ajeh) on his back was the epitome of abdominal pain in cancer. Ogjimi-Yarga was a figure with a hollow in the stomach, in which nine figures were embedded, personifying some diseases. For example, the image of a toad was associated with pain from its bite, a snake-with a tumor and blood poisoning. For severe lumbar pain, saven Niirmaa-Yarga was used with an incision on the back. As the pain subsided, he was replaced by Saven Kolkeru-Yarga with mobile limbs (Shimkevich, 1896, p. 44). The Ambaseon sculpture performed the same functions as the Moha, but it was also used for rheumatic pains in the hands.

Ritual sculptures of a bear and a cat predator in different places of Nanai people's residence had an ambiguous interpretation [Smolyak, 1991, pp. 70-77]. The semantics of a round bear sculpture can be compared to pictographic writing, when the combination of small details that reveal the essence of saven, as it were, pushes the image of a predator into the background [Ivanov, 1937, pp. 27-37]. The same religious and cultural algorithm is also hidden in the sculptural images of the tiger, leopard, and leopard, which is a reason to classify them as the most ancient, associated with the Pratungus and" southern " cultural layers. These images were transmitted in the framework of commercial and shamanic traditions for many centuries and through cross-cultural contacts penetrated many areas of the Lower Amur region. But they were filled with different content depending on the local specifics, which was clearly manifested in variations in the hierarchy of savenes in different areas of the Nanai range. In the Gorinsky group, we see the stability of the image of the bear in commercial and shamanic rituals. The dichotomy of the taiga and water bears (Na - and Mue-Duenteni) symbolizes the unity of the earth and water worlds. They are subordinated to spirits-servants of mountains, taiga, and reservoirs [Kubanova, 1992, p. 13-19; Samar E. D., 2003, p. 27-63; Pereverzeva, 2005, p.108]. Among the Amur and Kur-Urmian Nanais, the image of a bear is included in the horaliko group. In the same group, there are also sculptural images of a tiger-amba (seon), which, in turn, is subordinated to yarga - "leopard" and mari - " leopard "(which are absent in the Gorin Nanais). [Shimkevich, 1986, pp. 39-46; Lopatin, 1922, pp. 224-228; Smolyak, 1991, pp. 70-77]. It should be noted that in these two Nanai regions, zoomorphic saven complexes were dominated by images of taiga predators, the main consumers in local food chains. The selectivity of the images was also emphasized by the absence of other representatives of the Amur fauna, for example, the hare, squirrel, wild boar, izyubr, etc.

The nature of diseases reflected in the cult sculpture of the Nanai people

Since the origins of the disease in Nanai traditional society were linked to the negative intentions and actions of spirits, the methods of healing were ritualistic in nature. The influence of representatives of the invisible world on the human body and psyche was manifested in specific diseases typical of many pre-industrial small communities. The personification of diseases in savenah was the final act of the process of kamlaniya over the patient.

In the shamanic complex, there were also savens, external features whose details were associated with certain symptoms. The sculpture of Funchelka in the form of a hedgehog was made from stabbing pains, Mioldoko in the form of a heart - from heart diseases. Darma-Eney-sedan-a figure of a person with a hunched back-was made when the patient could not straighten his back [Lopatin, 1922, p. 225-228; Shimkevich, 1896, p.41-60]. Diseases of the eyes and blood vessels are also embodied in sculpture (Fig. 6). The range of forms and actions of savens is very wide. According to A.V. Smolyak, the Nanai pantheon emerged as a result of shamanic improvisation [1991, pp. 73-74]. Although the gallery of images that accumulated various diseases corresponds to the associative series of the tradesman, consisting of prototypes of the fishing and hunting world. Diseases treated by shamans are typical for all small-scale fishing communities in Siberia and the Far East. At the beginning of the 20th century, doctors of the Red Cross brigades diagnosed Nanais with chronic rheumatism (27.2%), diseases of the visual organs (20.9 %) and digestive system (14%), infectious diseases (8.9%), tuberculosis of the lungs and other organs (8%), skin diseases (8%), respiratory diseases (5.5 %). As stated in 1929 by specialists of the medical and sanitary unit of the Dalkraisdrav, the incidence of the local population was associated with professional and household characteristics and semi-nomadic lifestyle (KHKA. F. 683. Op. 1. D.79. L. 34-35). Nevertheless, according to statistics from the beginning of the 20th century, the number of Nanais remained stable, even a small increase was observed: during the period 1914-1929, 316 people were born and 254 died (KHKA. F. 683. Op. 1. D. 79. L. 25). However, an earlier review of the situation indicates a significant decline in the indigenous population. After the entry of the Lower Amur region into Russia, with the growth of the Russian-speaking environment, cases of imported diseases became more frequent. In 1856, 1863, 1877, and 1881, smallpox, typhoid, and measles epidemics that broke out on the Amur River reduced the local population by half [Lopatin,

6. Saven-amulet for blood vessel diseases (MICNS, N according to CP 2099 main).

1922, p. 46; Schrenk 1899, p. 4]. In 1910, pneumonic plague spread from Manchuria (Supotnitsky and Supotnitskaya, 2006). A wave of contagious diseases, which contributed to the extinction of people, became a challenge to traditional shamanic healing. A cycle of legends appeared in Nanai folklore, telling about how a shaman, controlling his magic power, fought the elements of disease [Shimkevich, 1896, pp. 131-133]. The spirit of smallpox maldi even appeared in the Nanai traditional pantheon (PMA, Sikachi-Alyan village, Khabarovsk region, informant E. I. Murzina, 22.08.2011). As a means of allegedly hindering the progress of the smallpox epidemic, savens were used, which were called Bucile among the Gorin Nanai people (Fig. 7). In the Nanai shamanic ritual, wooden idols representing stylized images of a tiger-bear served as the first ancestor and symbol of shamanic power (Pereverzeva and Borodovsky, 2004, pp. 116-117). The circles drawn on the figures imitated the spots that appear on the body of a smallpox patient. With the spread of the epidemic, these idols were displayed on the borders of settlements. At the beginning of the 20th century, total vaccination of the indigenous population stopped the spread of smallpox.

Against the background of medical success in the expanded sanitary and educational work, the authority of treating shamans began to weaken (KHKA. F. 683. Op. 1. D. 79. L. 36-51). It is noteworthy that already at the beginning of the XX century, with the growth of contacts between the Nanai and Russian-speaking population, icons of the Russian and Chinese models began to replace savens (PMA, Lidoga village, Nanai district, informant V. C. Geiker, 31.08.2011). The perception of the function of cult sculpture also changed. In the 1970s, it was already seen as a relic of the past. Domestic use of the choraliko group has been preserved, mainly by women (Maltseva, 2008).

With the disappearance of shamanism as a cultural phenomenon, savens, which performed not only a therapeutic, but also a socio-psychological function, also fell out of use. The shaman was considered a "safety valve against mass mental illnesses" in the family and settlement [Shirokogorov, 1919, p. 99]. With his death, the helper spirits again acquired a malicious essence, carrying socially dangerous theft, murder, drunkenness, and mental disorders (PMA, S. Naikhin, informant A. K. Beldy, 29.08.2011; S. Verkhny Nergen, informant A. E. Gaida, 11.09.2011). The savens who were in the shamanic complex lost the function of a "shield", protecting it from foreign negative influences. In order to avoid the vengeful actions of the spirits, superstitious villagers carefully hid Savans in the forest or in the attic of the house of the deceased shaman. Only the next open shaman had the right to make savans and establish spiritual authority over disparate savons through their unity, which was guaranteed by the establishment of good-neighborly relations based on mutual assistance among fellow villagers and the onset of social stability.

7. Saven Buchile (the image of the ancestor tiger) - a symbol of shamanic power and a" defender " of the settlement from the smallpox epidemic (MIKNS, N according to KP 761 main).

Conclusion

The Nanai cult sculpture is a multi-faceted cultural phenomenon that has existed since ancient times within the framework of animistic and shamanic ideologies. It accumulates not only archaic ideas of the Amur peoples about the world, the main substances of which are the soul and natural, otherworldly forces, but also ecological, historical and cultural components. The form and content of Nanai sevens is the result of long-term cultural contacts of Amur fishermen with the Siberian taiga world. Medico-ecological and social aspects of research show the dual role of Savens as the embodiment of diseases and at the same time assistants to shamans. The personification of the "spirits of disease" in the images of a bear and a cat predator goes back to the Pratungus traditions. The evolution of these images has led to the stylization of images, so the interpretation of the content of the Nanai cult sculpture takes into account the material (mainly tree species), the semantics of small details. In the social sphere, wooden figures performed a therapeutic function. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, some idols were used to protect settlements from the smallpox epidemic. The transformation of the way of life, culture, and social consciousness of the indigenous peoples of the Lower Amur region led to the disappearance of shamanism as an established socio-psychotherapeutic system, and at the same time the cessation of the use of sevens for medicinal purposes.

According to the old-timers of Nanai villages, today the return of the traditions of making cult sculptures, coupled with awareness of the social role of the shaman, is one of the keys to understanding national moral values that contribute to the consolidation of Nanai society and its resistance to psychological pressure from a technocratic, urbanized environment with its own standards of living.

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The article was submitted to the Editorial Board on 21.11.11. The final version was published on 02.02.12.

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