Libmonster ID: JP-1388
Author(s) of the publication: I. G. RYBALKINA
Educational Institution \ Organization: Institute of Africa, Russian Academy of Sciences

Keywords: conflict-crisis development, civil wars, collective responsibility, peacekeeping contingents, globalization trends, peacekeeping potential

If we try to briefly describe the way in which most of the countries of the African continent developed in the second half of the XX century, i.e. after they gained state independence, it would be most accurate to define it as a conflict-crisis development. Indeed, it is almost impossible to name a country that was not shaken by wars during this period: civil, interethnic, inter-religious, wars between individual states, which led to huge, often measured in millions, losses of human lives. The same can be said about contradictions between different groups of the population and crises: political, socio-economic, inter-party, religious disputes, disputes over land and water, etc. Once again, there are large, unjustified casualties, including among the civilian population, including women and children. True, in recent years, the severity of this confrontation in many states and regions of the Black Continent has somewhat weakened, but there are still enough "hot spots".

Natural questions arise: what are the causes and origins of the conflict-crisis path of development? Do African conflicts and crises affect the overall course of world history and the political situation outside of Africa? What are the ways and means to overcome them?

Analyzing world history over a long period of time, it is impossible not to come to the conclusion that armed conflicts and civil wars are a certain stage that many, if not all, countries and peoples have passed through during the formation of their development paths and the formation of statehood. Internecine wars and internal conflicts are one of the characteristic features of the early stage of the formation of any national state; the duration and severity of this stage depend primarily on the level of productive forces, the nature of production and socio-economic relations. Often, it is precisely as a result of political crises, armed conflicts, and civil wars in various European, Asian, and American countries that quite modern party and political systems were formed, the most odious totalitarian regimes appeared or collapsed, and the principles and procedures of political dialogue and compromise were developed.

From this perspective, Africa is no exception to the general rule. The multi-faceted and multi-factor armed conflicts here reflect the continent's complex, acute and difficult-to-resolve political, ethno-national and economic problems. They are mainly related to a persistent, almost uncompromising struggle for the possession of areas rich in valuable natural resources-diamonds, gold, oil and other minerals, raw materials and water resources, the most fertile lands, for control of drug trafficking routes, illegal arms trade, etc. 1 This is why most conflicts do not only last for years and decades However, they often involve more and more participants; their scale grows, the degree of violence increases, and the consequences cannot be quickly overcome.

The dramatic process of complex crisis and conflict development is given additional urgency by ethnic groups.,

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confessional, political, socio-class and many other differences and contradictions.


By the end of the 20th century, several factors of crisis and conflict development emerged in Africa, which had a direct or indirect impact on the formation of the system of power relations. The diversity and polyethnicity of the continent's countries, and in some sub-regions, multi-racial character, have become the basis of many crises and conflicts.

Ethnic crises and ethno-political conflicts were often accompanied by an escalation of hostility between representatives of different faiths. Islamic radicals and extremists, for example, in Mali and northern Nigeria, as well as some Afro-Christian churches and sects, are particularly active in politics. In addition to ethnic, religious, and economic roots, as well as the struggle for resources and power, there is also a class confrontation between representatives of different social groups.

Conflicts in Africa range in intensity from terrorist attacks, guerrilla movements, to civil war or genocide. Participants in the conflict can be government structures, opposition forces, rebel formations, and criminal groups.

At the same time, among the destructive processes that cause the emergence of political crises, the plight of the economies of many States plays an important role. Experts from the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) found that a five-percent decline in economic growth in a country in one year increased the likelihood of conflict in that country by 50% in the following year2. Indicators that a given state is on the verge of civil war include massive poverty, political instability, and a large number of other factors. population size.

By the beginning of the twenty-first century, the number of wars in Africa had roughly halved compared to the 1980s-1990s. If then up to 200,000 people died annually in armed conflicts here, then in 2010-2013 - "only" about 50,000 people*. But this is, firstly, a lot, and secondly-not a reason for complacency. Conflicts caused by the struggle for natural resources in a number of countries are becoming increasingly acute.

In the future, many armed conflicts on the continent are projected to be linked to the problem of lack of fresh water. "Water wars" are most likely in areas where rivers and lakes are located on the territory of several states at the same time. In particular, the Nile, Niger, Volta, and Zambezi River basins can be classified as" hot spots " .3

Africa, being the weakest link in the global economic system, has perceived not so much the positive (universalism and cultural convergence) as the negative features of global integration. The continent has become one of the main victims of the spread of transnational corruption, many types of organized crime and terrorism, illegal movement of capital, and planetary "mass pop culture". African countries have not been able to achieve significant positive results by engaging in the process of so-called internationalization of States and legal systems. All this has led to new conflicts and humanitarian crises.

Such conflicts, recurring and interconnected, resonate not only in individual regions, but also around the world. Thus, the number of African refugees and displaced persons has increased 3-fold over the past 30 years. Almost 75% of the refugees found shelter in neighboring countries. But the rest - and this is many millions of people-sent their footsteps mainly to the countries of Western Europe, bringing numerous ethno-confessional and social problems to the life and way of life of the peoples of these countries. Not all "new Europeans" from among the Africans organically " fit " into the traditional European culture, which, in turn, led to manifestations of xenophobia and nationalism among some of the local population.

Experts of the World Bank (WB) have estimated that each new large-scale armed conflict reduces the economic growth rate of developed Western countries by an average of 0.4 percentage points per year. A terrorist attack in at least one region is fraught with consequences for all world markets. Just one such incident in the Niger Delta in 2010 cost global hydrocarbon consumers billions of dollars due to higher oil prices. A month after the start of the armed crisis in Libya in February-March 2011, world oil prices rose by 15%. The number of intercepted shipments of cocaine transiting to Europe has increased 4-fold since 2003. The problems of increasing drug-related violence are acute in many regions of the world, including on the Blackest continent, especially in West Africa.

Attempts to contain "African violence" involve huge costs, which are borne by many countries of the world. For example, maritime operations to combat pirates in the Horn of Africa and the Indian Ocean are estimated, according to IBRD experts, from $1.3 to $2 billion. per year, without taking into account the huge costs of changing the routes of ships and increasing the size of insurance premiums.

* Hereafter, all the digital and statistical data used in the article are based on: World Development Report 2011. Conflict, Security and Development. Wash., DC: The World Bank, 2011.

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The efforts made by individual States, organizations, companies and ordinary citizens to protect themselves from the never-ending threats of terrorist attacks also place a heavy financial burden on everyone. 35% of companies in Latin America, 30% in Africa and 27% in Eastern Europe and Central Asia consider crime to be the main problem for their business activities. Companies operating in sub-Saharan Africa are particularly affected: local crime causes them to lose a significant portion of their sales revenue and spend more money on security than commercial entities in any other region of the world.

Even a relatively short-lived civil war can set the economy of any African country back several decades. Some African States that have experienced serious internal armed conflicts (Rwanda, Burundi), it took up to 20 years for such an economic sector as trade to reach the "pre-war" level. In other words, a civil war or a large-scale armed conflict can negate the economic gains made by the labor of an entire generation.

However, according to the World Bank experts, after the economic recovery and strengthening of security, African countries can achieve significant success in their development. Some of them, having ended a long period of political and criminal violence, have joined the ranks of those who are moving rapidly towards achieving the "Millennium Development Goals" set out in the UN Declaration. 4 For example, the level of drinking water supply for the inhabitants of Ethiopia has increased almost 4 times in 20 years: if in 1990 it accounted for 13% of the total population, then in 2010. it reached 66%. In 1999, shortly after the end of the civil war in Mozambique, 14% of school-age children received primary education, and by 2007 this figure had risen to 46%. The proportion of undernourished people in Rwanda fell from 56% in 1997 to 40% in 2005.

These facts strongly suggest that the crisis-conflict nature of the functioning of the system of power relations causes significant damage to a number of African societies, but by no means indicates an irreversibly degrading or dead-end type of their development. This is evidenced by the trends and processes that have taken place in the political space of Africa in the last 15-20 years.

In order to resolve domestic and international conflicts on the continent, African Governments and some countries, including the Russian Federation, implemented a number of economic, financial and military - political measures in 1990-2013. These include bilateral and multilateral negotiations, formal and informal mediation, peacemaking, economic, financial, military and humanitarian assistance, various sanctions, peace enforcement, and preventive deployment of troops.5 At the same time, the solution of economic problems is considered as one of the main components of political settlement; an important role is assigned to integration processes in the economic sphere.

Simultaneously with economic integration, many African Governments are attempting to establish a process of regional political cooperation. At the same time, the main factors are the collective efforts of States to extinguish the hotbeds of civil wars and inter-ethnic conflicts that still occur in the Sudan, in the Horn of Africa, in Western Sahara, in the Great Lakes region of Africa, and in West Africa.

However, there are some positive changes here as well. Back in the 1980s and 1990s, conflicts in Mozambique were resolved, civil peace was ensured in Namibia and South Africa, the bloody confrontation between Ethiopia and Eritrea was quenched, and armed clashes in Western Sahara were suspended.6 But there are not too many such examples: most of the conflict and crisis situations in Africa have not been resolved.


Among the reasons for the failures is the fact that the Organization of African Unity (OAU) ' s participation in peacekeeping operations on the continent in the second half of the 20th century was mostly purely symbolic. Conflict resolution has become somewhat more active with the establishment of the African Union (AU). The "Founding Act" of this organization recognizes the collective responsibility of the member States of the Union for the maintenance of peace and stability. This document provides for the right to direct, including armed, intervention of the international community and / or its individual segments in the affairs of an AU member State in the event of special circumstances on its territory, in particular, genocide or war crimes against humanity.

In the short term, the aim is to strengthen the position of the AU, taking into account the formation and entry into the phase of active practical activity of the organizational structures of the Union - the Peace and Security Council, the Pan-African Parliament, the African Court of Justice, the African Monetary Fund and the African Central Bank. It should be noted that the Russian leadership considers strengthening cooperation with them to be one of the main directions of our country's African policy.

Regional organizations and individual African countries in some cases practice so-called peace enforcement, as well as military intervention in conflict zones.-

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This is causing a mixed reaction on the continent. In particular, the participation of the ECOMOG monitoring group* of the West African Economic Community (ECOWAS)was criticized for tactical inconsistencies** Conflict resolution in Liberia and Sierra Leone. However, ECOWAS, Southern African Development Community (SADC)***, Intergovernmental Organization for Development (IGAD)**** and other regional African organizations are willing to expand their participation in peacekeeping operations.

In general, in recent years, Africans themselves have become increasingly involved in resolving crisis situations on the continent. At the same time, States involved in conflicts have more confidence in the mediation efforts of their neighbors than in the interference of external international forces in their affairs. This is confirmed by the position of the Government of the Sudan, which preferred the participation of the African Union peacekeeping force to UN efforts to resolve the conflict in Darfur and for a long time opposed the creation of an AU-UN hybrid mission.7

An analysis of peacekeeping operations in recent years shows that, under the guise of protecting human rights, individual operations of Western peacekeepers actually violated the sovereignty of States, their right to non-interference from outside, and ignored the principle laid down in the UN Charter, according to which before introducing peacekeeping forces into a country, it is necessary to obtain the consent of its leadership. At the same time, the peacekeeping forces were sometimes used to support the military contingents of those Western countries that pursued their own goals in a particular conflict. Examples of interference under the UN flag in the internal affairs of two African States - Ivory Coast and Libya-suggest that this practice tends to spread. It is unacceptable that external intervention in the conflict, no matter how noble it may seem at first glance, should turn into an armed intervention. As a result, there may be a crisis situation in which certain external forces, which are not always friendly towards African peoples, try to impose their will, using the slogans of democracy, humanism and human rights.

As an example, we can cite the dramatic and tragic events in a number of North African States, where a complex of internal causes led to phenomena that professional scientists and Arab experts call "revolution", "social explosion", "revolt", "civil war" 8.

But even with the most favorable scenario of events related to revolutionary upheavals and democratic movements in African States, as well as peacekeeping operations on the continent, their results are unlikely to be positive if the AU and African countries do not succeed in eliminating the very roots of conflicts. The success of the same peacekeeping operations, including those related to conflict prevention, is no less dependent on achieving progress in economic development and addressing acute social problems - improving living standards, access to health and education services, eliminating poverty and unemployment, etc. Overcoming the corruption that has grown over the years of independence, limiting the arbitrariness of the bureaucracy are also important conditions for improving public life, eliminating the breeding ground for separatism, ethnic, religious, and interstate contradictions and conflicts.

In our opinion, overcoming crises in Africa is inseparable from solving deep socio-economic problems. The most important among them is the need to update and modernize public and political life and create the so-called optimal state governance, which includes four key elements: the rule of law; competent public sector management; the fight against corruption; and the reduction of excessive military spending. It is also necessary to ensure the participation of citizens in politics, democratization, and respect for human rights.

Many experts also point to the principle of federalism as one of the possible ways out of crisis situations, which is likely to bear fruit in the future. The creation of a federal state, like Nigeria or Ethiopia, is also predicted for Ivory Coast. Back in 1984, in the government newspaper Soleil, a well-known Senegalese political scientist, Zh. Roux called federalism " ... the civilization of the future, the only solution out of the crisis, because the world is very diverse and at the same time needs to be united."9

Currently, the AU and regional integration organizations face a difficult task of completing the process of building the African peacekeeping capacity, its structures and institutions. Among other tasks are attempts to eliminate existing conflicts, transform armed separatist movements into peaceful political ones, and strengthen the preventive component of peacekeeping operations, primarily through the more complete use of civil society institutions and structures that can be used to promote peace and security.-

* ECOMOG-The Collective armed forces of the West African Economic Community, formed in 1981. At first, they included only French-speaking countries, and later - since 1990 - English-speaking countries in Africa.

** ECOWAS was established in 1975 to promote the economic integration of the countries of the region.

*** SADC - Southern African Development Community, established in 1992 with the aim of creating a free trade area in the region.

**** IGAD, an Intergovernmental Organization for the Development of East Africa, established in 1996.

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They are gradually being formed in the countries of the continent.

It is also important to increase the effectiveness of inter-African diplomacy and continue strengthening the military peacekeeping contingent. The scope and timing of these tasks, as determined by the African Union and its international partners, will depend on the progress of peacekeeping operations currently underway in Africa. Among them are attempts to complete the settlement of one of the longest, largest - scale and bloodiest confrontations on the continent-the Sudan conflict, as well as the Western Sahara and conflicts in Ivory Coast, Mali, and recently in the Central African Republic.


At the end of the 20th century, it became especially noticeable that the role of Africa itself, individual African countries and organizations in overcoming conflict situations on the continent is still not very significant. This significantly weakened the peacekeeping process on the continent and was one of the reasons why a number of conflicts were delayed and unresolved. It has also become clear that neither the AU nor regional integration alliances and associations, relying only on their own efforts and resources, both military, political and financial, are able not only to reverse the situation on the continent as a whole, but also to change this situation for the better in individual hotbeds of conflict.

However, recently the situation has changed somewhat. The participation of the African Union, regional organizations and individual African countries in peacekeeping processes is increasingly helping to eliminate individual hotbeds of armed confrontation. Although the decisive role traditionally belongs to UN peacekeepers. Local contingents do not yet have sufficient training, poorly coordinate their actions, and are late in making decisions and conducting preventive operations. But the participation of Africans in peacekeeping processes is crucial and has an impact on achieving constructive results.

The Russian Federation also participates in international peacekeeping operations on the African continent. In the eyes of Africans, Russia, as the legal successor of the USSR, remains a deterrent that can prevent violations of the UN Charter and uncontrolled armed intervention by external forces. In the late 2000s, about 230 Russian military personnel were involved in UN peacekeeping operations in Africa, including in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Western Sahara, Sierra Leone, Ethiopia and Eritrea, Ivory Coast, Liberia, and Sudan.10 Specialists of the relevant profile for African countries are trained at courses at the St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Volgograd Academy of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Moscow University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the Academy of Management of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia. Currently, issues of enhancing Russia's cooperation in Africa with the European Union, as well as with the United States and other countries in the fight against piracy and in other areas are being considered.11

In the tragic 1990s for Africa, the UN armed forces failed to achieve significant success in preventing or resolving bloody conflicts on the continent, when such conflicts or civil wars were engulfed in Rwanda, Burundi, DRC, Angola, Sierra Leone, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Mozambique, Liberia, Somalia, and Sudan. They have resulted in millions of deaths and injuries, huge numbers of refugees and internally displaced persons, destroyed economies and infrastructure, poverty, hunger, and outbreaks of dangerous infectious diseases.12

Civil wars and conflicts directly affect primarily young men, but often women and children are even more affected by their consequences. According to World Bank experts, men account for up to 96% of those arrested and 90% of those missing in conflict situations, while women and children account for almost 80% of refugees and displaced persons.13

However, the number and scale of conflicts in Africa have decreased somewhat over the past decade. In addition to the successful resolution of bloody conflicts in Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast, an example is the cessation of long civil wars - 30-year in Angola and 16-year in Mozambique. In turn, some of the African States that were still relatively recently a zone of armed confrontation (for example, Angola), and having some experience, are involved in conflict resolution in other African countries. Thus, in November 2008, as a result of the agreement on the SADC action plan developed at the Johannesburg Summit in the same year, the Angolan leadership sent its military units to the DRC to help the Government of that country maintain law and order.14

Currently, there is an increase in the number of personnel of the actual African contingents in the peacekeeping forces, both on an African scale and in joint ones with the UN and Western countries. The institutional and legal framework for the formation of national contingents of the African Permanent Readiness Security Force (ASPF) is being strengthened and refined. The need to create such formations was discussed at various levels in connection with such challenges of the XXI century as the spread of terrorism, drugs, crime, piracy and other types of criminal activity.


However, we have to admit that many conflict-related issues are related to-

page 30

lasties and regions are preserved, and some continue to expand. Thus, the Western Sahara conflict, which seemed to be close to completion 35 years ago, has not yet been resolved. At that time, an agreement was reached not only on a ceasefire, but also on a formula for the final settlement of the dispute over the status of Western Sahara. Thus, the process of regional integration of the Arab Maghreb countries was blocked, and the future of the southern Mediterranean and its surrounding regions largely depends on its development.

By the beginning of the XXI century. The conflict in the Sudanese province of Darfur has escalated, directly affecting neighboring countries, primarily Chad and the Central African Republic. In 2011, a referendum was held in Sudan to determine the status of the southern provinces of this largest African country. The independence of the South may be the beginning of the process of splitting a number of African countries along ethnic and religious lines.

The situation in the Horn of Africa has worsened. The actual disintegration of Somalia, where the civil war has lasted for more than a quarter of a century, is evident. Robberies are also reported in the Gulf of Aden and the Gulf of Guinea.15 Maritime piracy poses threats not only of a regional, but also of a global nature - military, environmental, economic, and humanitarian. Despite numerous measures to stop the activities of mercenaries and pirates in Africa, the situation is far from being resolved.16

In local African conflicts, various criminal structures are widely used, which, in particular, mainly form mercenary groups, whose services are cheaper and often more effective than the actions of UN peacekeeping troops. Almost all experts agree that not only the international community, but also the Governments of African countries themselves should take part in the process of eliminating criminal groups of all types and levels. However, this is hindered by many factors: corruption in the highest echelons of power, a huge shadow turnover of funds obtained by criminal means - because the pirate business, as a rule, brings very high profits.

what to do?

According to some optimistic forecasts, Africa, however, can expect not the onset of a "time of troubles" and the further immersion of its peoples in endless conflicts, but radical changes in the socio-political situation and a gradual return to peaceful life. These assumptions are supported by the growing number of African countries that have the so-called resource of peaceful construction.

Among the components of this "resource", according to the Russian scientist, Doctor of Political Science L. V. Geveling , is the desire to avoid armed conflicts, refrain from explicit political and economic discrimination against minorities, ensure the necessary level of security of the population, stable - in the long term-management of political institutions, and possess significant human and material resources. lack of serious threats from neighbors 17.

There is also an important trend in the development of parliamentarism, which, in turn, contributes to the democratization of socio-political life. The process of forming democratic principles of separation of powers - legislative, executive and judicial-is one of the possible guarantors of conflict and crisis prevention.

African countries have yet to establish a comprehensive anti-crisis response. In particular, they need to practice the moratorium on the use of force more widely, use a compromise-dialogical style of resolving controversial issues, review some legislative norms, and overcome relapses of suspicion and fear in domestic and foreign policy.

In the fight against both political and criminal violence, it is advisable to use social and socio-political coalitions, since they create opportunities for fruitful cooperation with representatives of traditional government institutions, business circles and the civilian population in areas affected by violence 18. Civil society, its various institutions - non-governmental associations, as well as professional, economic and other organizations-should be used in the fight against environmental and human rights organizations, religious organizations, youth organizations, and women's organizations often play an important role in restoring peoples ' trust in Governments and giving a special impetus to transformation.

As an example, the World Development Report2011 cites the Women's Initiative of Liberia, which has played a critical role in ensuring that the provisions of the 2003 peace agreement are consistently implemented in that country.19

Attracting African women to participate in security, justice and economic empowerment programmes is producing very good results. For example, the ongoing reforms in Sierra Leone and Liberia aimed at attracting women to the civil service, especially in the police, including those that deal with gender issues, clearly contribute to easing the conflict situation and achieving civil peace in these countries.20 In other African States, we also believe that it is necessary to expand the gender dimensions of democratization, eliminate all forms of discrimination against women and children, and involve women more actively in the political process.

page 31

participation in the socio-political and socio-economic life of their countries and the continent as a whole.

Ignoring the crisis situations in modern Africa or delaying their resolution is fraught with social tragedies on a global scale - multi-million-dollar uncontrolled migrations outside the continent, the spread of diseases, the export of violence and terrorism, interruptions in the supply of mineral raw materials, oil, metals and other critical strategic materials, etc. Under the influence of the so-called demonstration effect, crises, conflicts and coups can spread beyond Africa - to Asia, Latin America and even to Europe. All these phenomena are fraught with the danger of globalizing the conflict-crisis path of development.

The main task of African governments in order to stabilize the internal socio-political and socio-economic situation, the World Bank experts emphasize, is to create state and non - state institutions, structures, organizations and associations that can prevent the resumption of crisis-related periods of violence. The implementation of these plans takes quite a long time-from 15 to 30 years. In the XXI century, due to the growing processes of democratization of socio-political life and the demands of peoples for optimal public administration, the process of transformation and the formation of legitimate state and public institutions has noticeably accelerated. But even today, it needs a long period of time - probably no less than the life of one generation.

According to the World Bank experts, breaking the repeated cycles of violence on the African continent is a global task that requires joint urgent action. On the one hand, this is one of the most complex intra - African problems that must be solved first of all directly by the peoples of the continent, and on the other hand, they cannot do without the full support of the international community. For only through joint efforts and the adoption of a number of comprehensive measures can we prevent the dangerous "export" of violence to other regions of the world and break the vicious circle of conflict situations and everything that accompanies them - political and criminal violence, drug trafficking, smuggling of natural resources, crime, terrorism, instability. In short, everything that hinders the processes of normal global development.

Conflicts and crises in Africa should not be underestimated, because under certain circumstances they can turn into planetary ones. Recent history provides many examples of this. For example, who in 1914 knew the name of the tiny town where Archduke Ferdinand was assassinated before the event triggered World War II? And who knew the point on the geographical map of Pearl Harbor before the seemingly local Japanese attack on the American naval base of the same name repeatedly increased the intensity of the confrontation between the two powers? What can we say about the modern world, when the "World Wide Web" in the blink of an eye makes the situation in "hot spots" the subject of attention of millions, or even billions of people?

Circumstances may develop so that local crisis situations in Africa will serve as a" fuse " for global conflicts. And no one should forget about it.

1 See, for example: Tkachenko A. A. Rossiya, UN i Afrika [Russia, the UN and Africa] / / Afrikanskie strany i UN (Issue No. 12). Moscow, IAfr RAS, 2008, p. 55; Kosukhin N. D. Afrika: poisk obnovlenii [Africa: Search for updates]. Dynamics of political changes in the late XX-early XXI centuries. Moscow, 2007; Urnov A. Yu. Africa and the UN at the end of the first decade of the XXI century. Moscow, 2011; et al.

2 World Development Report 2011. Conflict, Security, and Development. Wash., DC: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank, 2011. P. 6.

Deich T. L. 3 Security in Africa and Russia's position // On the modern concept of international security. African Countries and the UN (Issue N * 14). Moscow, IAfr RAS, 2009, p. 123.

4 For more information, see: Matsenko I. B. Afrika: realizatsiya "Tsel'ev razvitiya millennia" [Africa: Implementing the Millennium Development Goals]. 2012, N 8 - 10.

Sovremennaya Afrika: metamorphozi politicheskoi vlasti [Modern Africa: Metamorphoses of Political Power], Moscow, Vostochnaya literatura, 2009; its own: Formation of Elites and Counter-elites in the Conditions of Changing Political Reality (Contours of the Theoretical Model), Elitii stran Vostoka, Moscow, Klyuch-S, 2011.

Tkachenko A. A. 6 Decree. op., pp. 55-56.

7 For more details, see: Deich T. L. Report "African conflicts in the XXI century" // International aspects of conflict situations in Africa (Issue No. 15). Moscow, IAfr RAS, 2009, p.21.

8 The Economist. L. 2013. July 6 - 12.

9 Le Soleil, N 4135, 7.02.1984 (Cited in: Sadovskaya L. M. Etnopoliticheskiy konflikt v Kot-d'voire i perspektivy ego resheniya [Ethnopolitical conflict in Ivory Coast and prospects for its resolution]. Moscow, IAfr RAS Publ., 2013, p. 249.)

Deich T. L. 10 Report "African conflicts..." p. 10.


Sidorova G. M. 12 Rol ' Evropeyskogo Soyuza v reshenii krizisnykh situatsii v Afrika [The role of the European Union in resolving crisis situations in Africa]. Mezhdunarodnye aspekty konfliktnykh situatsii v Afrika (Issue No. 15). Moscow, IAfr RAS, 2009, p.34.

13 For more information, see: Gromova O. B. Zhenshchiny i detey - victimi vooruzhennykh konfliktov v Afrika [Women and children-victims of armed conflicts in Africa]. 2010. N 8, 10.

Kosukhin N. D. 14 Politologiya razvitiya afrikanskikh stran [Political Science of the Development of African Countries], Moscow, RUDN University, 2009. // Mir i politika [World and Politics], Moscow, 2009, No. 11; its own - Ethnopolitical conflicts in Africa: origins and typology // RUDN University Bulletin. Political Science series. 2011. N 1,2.

15 Elkina E. A. Piracy in the Gulf of Guinea: new threats / / Asia and Africa Today. 2012. N 12.

Mezentsev S. V. 16 Primenenie inostrannoy voennoy sily v Afrika [The use of foreign military power in Africa]. 2013. N 11.

Geveling L. V. 17 UN and prospects for the settlement of socio-political crises in Africa / / African countries and the UN (Issue 12), 2008, p. 48.

18 The Economist... March 2 - 8.

19 World Development Report 2011 ... P. 12; Report of the UN Secretary-General "Women's participation in peacebuilding". 2010 -

20 World Development Report 2011... P. 12, 19.


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