The Baisun region, located in the southern part of the Hissar Ridge system, is relatively poorly studied in archaeological terms and is almost not covered in scientific literature. Since 1991, the Baisun team of the Institute of Archeology of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan has been conducting regular (with short breaks) archaeological work here. The main and stationary object is Paenkurgan. This fortress of the early Kush period performed in ancient times a control and customs function at the exit from mountain passes to a flat plateau extending up to the valley of the middle course of the Surkhandarya River.

If you drive along the modern Karshi - Termez highway, which in general terms repeats (with minor changes) the ancient caravan route, south of the village of Shurob, the road is blocked by a chain of steep slopes reinforced with a fortress wall and forming a narrow passage in this place. Archaeological work in recent years has increasingly led researchers to identify this place with the "Iron Gate" (1). The complex of fortifications itself, together with the monumental fortress wall, indicates that the border of the state border of Bactria was located here (2). Then the road branches: one branch leads strictly to the south in the direction of Balkh, the other it runs to the east, and through the village of Darband goes to Baisun. The medieval caravanserai Bazar tepe, excavated here, speaks about the existence of this route in ancient times. From the latter, passing through mountain crevices, the road leads through Paenkurgan to the village of Rabat and then to Kofrun. Then the road goes to Chaganian (modern districts of Kumkrugan, Shurchi and Denau), where there are such famous archaeological sites as Halchayan, Dalverzin tepe, Budrach, etc.

Paenkurgan is located to the east of the "Iron Gate" at a distance of approx. 12 km and south of Baisun district center at a distance of approx. 5 km. The monument is located, therefore, at the intersection of ancient caravan routes that connected Sogd with Northern Bactria, in particular with the area of the early medieval Chaganian. The fortress is built on a natural hill. The upper 'layers' of the monument are an accumulation of garbage and ash emissions. Garbage pits that cut through more ancient walls and structures, judging by the ceramics found in them, belong to the late Medieval period, i.e. to the XVIII century. The thickness of ash and garbage layers at the highest places (the crest of the fortress wall) reaches almost 2 m. The architecture of this period is not traced, and these layers are most likely the result of temporary habitation of the letovka type. The remains of mud structures belong to the Kushan period.

1. The wall was opened by E. Rtveladee (Wall of Darband Baktrinsky / / ONU. 1986. N 12; see also Rakhmanov Sh. New data on the wall on the iron gate / / ONU. 1994. N 1-2). Now the Uzbek - French Archaeological Mission (MAFOuz) conducts archaeological work here.

2. Abdullaev K. On the northern borders of the state border of Bactria in the Hellenistic era / / RA. 1997. N 4. pp. 54-60.

page 18

There are three levels of floors that belong to the upper construction horizon. In the southernmost part of the monument, the rooms are located directly on the fortress wall-evidence that in the last period of its existence, the fortress has already lost its defensive function. All three levels of the floors yielded rich archaeological material, including mainly Early Kush pottery. Dating of the archaeological complex is also provided by numismatic finds: bronze coins of Soter Megas, Vima Kadfiz, Kanishki and Huvishki. If we do not take into account the coin of the XVIII century found in the late pits, the late date is determined by the Huvishki coin (obverse type - king on the ottoman) found in the upper layer of the monument.

Thus, around the middle of the second century AD, the fortress lost its defensive function, turning into an ordinary settlement, the main economic activities of its inhabitants were agriculture and cattle breeding.

Objects that are directly related to the defensive function of the monument were found: stone cores, spearheads and arrowheads. Arrowheads are mostly nomadic - three-toed, with short and long staves and lowered stingrays. Many stone products were found, primarily stone grain grinders of both large and small sizes, choppers, pestles, polishes, etc.

Payenkurgan ceramics are divided into two categories. The first, not numerous, belongs to the late Medieval period - these are glazed dishes-lagans of blue, blue and yellow shades, crudely made jugs and pots with spouts-plums of the "obtova" type. Vessels of the Kushan period are more numerous. They are distinguished by high quality and a variety of shapes-from large hums to miniature vessels. Gray clay ceramics typical of the Early Kushan era are often found. The most typical ornament on dishes is scratched concentric lines enclosing rows of zigzags and notches. There are many variants of this ornamentation. All archaeological material, excluding the late pits, dates back to the first centuries AD and is of considerable interest for studying the Yuezhi and Kushan cultures. Hellenistic subjects in the Paenkurgan art objects indicate the possibility of finding earlier Hellenistic layers here, which should be clarified in the course of further excavations. In this regard, archaeological work on Paenkurgan is very promising.

Paenkurgan gave a rich collection of terracotta figurines; in this article we present the most interesting and expressive specimens. The conditions of finding these terracotta figurines, the nature of their occurrence in cultural layers with ceramics and especially with coins allow us to clarify the dating problems not only of the Paen-Kurgan, but also of similar types found on the archaeological sites of Chaganian. One of these common types of images is a female character on a high throne (some copies show the armrests of the throne).

All the female throne images found on Paenkurgan belong to the same iconographic type, which varies in detail. Five terracotas of this type are represented by samples with chipped heads, while the rest have either heads or upper parts (3). One (sixth) statuette is an exception. This is a small figure (Figs. 1, 6), made in a generalized manner. Despite the schematics, a Mongoloid face type and a short hairstyle can be traced.

Here we present a description of one of the five terracotta figurines belonging to the same iconographic type. Except for some small details, they are

3. Terracotta figurines with chipped heads are numbered as fig. 1, 1,2, etc., the upper parts of the terracotta and the heads are numbered: Fig. 2, 1,2.

page 19

Figure 1-6. Terracotta figurines

they are similar, although they were printed in different matrices. Two of them are made in the same matrix (Fig. 1, 4-5), this is evidenced by all the signs and defects of the matrix reproduced on the prints (a flattened crease in the upper part). All specimens are covered with red angob of different shades, with the exception of one figure (Fig. 1, 1), which has no traces of paint, as well as the upper part of a poorly preserved terracotta, whose surface is completely painted white (Fig. 2, 1).

The female figure sitting on the throne is depicted in a long folded robe, draped knees protrude forward - here the problem of relief perspective is quite successfully solved. The soles of the feet rest on a rounded protrusion that has been clipped with a tool at the bottom (so some figurines may be in an upright position). Almost all the figurines show oblique small folds of clothing on the lower leg and the central fold between the legs, transmitted by a vertical relief strip, the middle of which is highlighted. Large folds follow vertically along the sides of the figure and expand downwards, covering the relief of the pedestal (this fold is absent on two figures that came out of the same matrix (Fig. 1, 4, 5).

page 20

Figure 2. 7-5. Terracotta figurines

The lower part of the figure is tightly draped with heavy folds: the central massive fold continues at the bottom in a horizontal position, here only the toes of the legs are specially opened, and therefore the edge of the long dress at the bottom forms a kind of zigzag - an element that is peculiar and, as we will see below, finds analogies in the plastic art of Mesopotamia of the Parthian period. The right shoulder of the character is wrapped in a thick cloak or cape, the folds go down from the shoulders and cover the arm, only the hand with two thickenings on the wrist is visible (probably these are bracelets), in the left hand there is an indeterminate object-it may be holding a fold of the cloak or dress (?), the right hand is pressed to holds an attribute that is not clearly defined, most likely a fruit or plant. On the neck of a necklace in the form of a string of rounded

page 21

beads (pearls) or plates enclosed between two relief lines. Another necklace descends between the breasts in the form of a tourniquet with a thickening in the lower part; there is also a variant of this decoration (Fig. 1, 4) in the form of a wide strip with relief inserts - plates in the middle. Especially noteworthy is the frontal decoration, which can be seen on two heads that are strikingly similar to each other, but different in size and imprinted in different matrices (one master!) - this is a crescent-shaped pendant on the forehead with horns facing up, although it is possible that this is a tattoo (Fig. 2, 2, 3).

Anthropologically, all heads can be divided into two types. The first one is a face with obvious Mongoloid features: an oval shape with a narrow elongated eye section, oblique brow lines, a straight nose extending downwards, a small mouth and a short, as if flattened chin (Fig. 2, 2-5). The same type should probably include poorly preserved terra cotta of relatively large dimensions (Figs. 2, 1), as well as fully preserved terra cotta made in a very generalized manner (Figs. 1, 6).

On one of the heads (Figs. 2, 6), you can see a different shape of the face and headdress. This type is characterized by a broad, almost square face with wide cheekbones and chin, a tiny mouth with tightly compressed lips, a small nose, arched eyebrows, and narrow eyes. The hairstyle of short-cropped straight hair is shown only in the upper part. Under the chin, in place of the cleavage line, a row of rounded bumps is visible, transmitting a string of beads. The head is covered with a low flat headdress. This specimen, despite some differences in the shape of the eyebrows and face, also tends to be of the Mongoloid type.

Somewhat apart is a terracotta head in a high headdress, with an elongated narrowed down face and a split chin. The eye section is wide and horizontal; the eyebrows are arched, converging on the bridge of the nose, the nose is protruding, the lips are plump, slightly stretched in a smile, on both cheeks there are signs in the form of circles (4) (Figs. 2, 7). The hairstyle is not marked, only a short lock of hair is visible from under the headdress. The headdress is high and indistinctly stamped. This type of image is closer to the Caucasian appearance than all the others.

It is necessary to say a few words about the headdresses and hairstyles of the first five heads, especially since this type of headdress is found not only on Paenkurgan, but also on other monuments of Northern Bactria and especially Chaganian. All specimens have straight hair parted in the middle, they form a short bangs above the forehead, and below they are combed behind the ear, which is decorated with a long rectangular pendant consisting of several rectangular plates of different sizes. The head is crowned with a hemispherical headdress with radially diverging lines, as if continuing the hair lines (imitation of a halo?); the exception is terracotta (Fig. 2, 4), the headdress of which has a cylindrical shape. The base of these headdresses is decorated in the form of a wide strip, from under it a short bangs falls on the forehead. As a rule, this base is conveyed by two or three parallel relief lines.

Attire, as noted above, in all the figures presented consists of a long, reaching to the feet of the dress, on the left shoulder is thrown a cloak (himatium) or cape. Only one copy (Figs. 1, 6) shows a different shape of the cut, which is distinguished by a deep rectangular cutout on the chest with rounded corners at the bottom. From under the smooth surface of the upper dress, which most likely conveys a thick, coarse material, frequent vertical folds of the lower dress made of thinner fabric are visible. This terracotta also differs in the shape of the hairstyle, shown in the form of a roller, framing a rounded face and reaching to the level of the chin.

4. For the meaning of these signs, see Tunahe K. Iranian Svarnah and the Treasure of Shosoin at Nara in Japan / / Iranica Antiqua. 1988. XXIII. p. 365-381; another point of view is expressed in his article. Инверниццн (Invernizzi A. Facial Marks in the Parthian World // Silk Road Art and Archaeology. 1990. V. 1. P. 35-46).

page 22

The elements of the throne are clearly shown in only one copy (Fig. 1,7). On the sides you can see columns profiled in the upper part, they also served as a continuation of the armrests.

This group of terracotas, the most representative in Paenkurgan, is no less popular on other monuments located in the middle reaches of the Amu Darya. Some of them were published by G. A. Pugachenkova and identified as "goddesses in Hellenized robes" (5). Unfortunately, the dates of terracotta images of the seated goddess are contradictory and need to be corrected based on reliable conditions of the finds. Terracotas from Paenkurgan show quite convincingly that the artistic degradation of some samples is not always a chronological indicator. In this case, the dating based on the archaeological context is more accurate and justified.

It should be noted that similar terracotta figurines are dated differently even by the same author. For example, their first publisher, G. A. Pugachenkova, attributes one of them, in particular, the "Bactrian goddess" found on Dalverzin Tepe, to the I-II centuries AD. (6) A year later, in a monograph devoted to the Kushan art of Bactria, the author dates the same terracotta to the II-I centuries. B.C., without giving any reason for its new dating (7).

During the long-term excavations of Dalverzin Tepe, a large number of terracotta figurines were collected, and the images of a female deity on a throne were the predominant in number. Most of these terracotas have been published, but no definitive identification or more reliable dating has been given. (8)

Terracotta images of seated deities became the subject of another article, the authors of which collected all the terracotas from Dalverzin Tepe and gave their typological and iconographic analysis [9], which led to the conclusion that in the Kushan period the entire mass of terracotta figurines was reproduced in "Hellenistic and Parthian matrices" adjusted for Bactrian taste. It is known that Hellenism affected not only Bactria, but also Parthia. Such a strict distinction between" Hellenistic "and" Parthian " matrices is hardly justified, and the question of mutual influences is not so easily resolved. In addition, for the archaeological sites of both right-bank and left-bank Bactria, the historical period we are interested in provides too limited material to talk about matrices. Even such a flourishing Greek city as Ai-Khanum shows a surprisingly small number of samples of coroplasty (10).

Bactrian plastic art developed in line with the old traditions, but, having received a powerful impulse in the Hellenistic era, this art acquires a special flavor, the Bactrian school of sculpture is formed, which itself could influence other schools. Undoubtedly, the described terracotas contain details and the manner of rendering drapery, which are characteristic of the plastic iconography of Mesopotamia. However, the question of whether Parthian iconography had an impact on Bactrian coroplasty in general can only be raised when considering individual stages in the history of the relationship between these two historical and cultural regions. Skulp samples-

5. Pugichenkova G. A. Novye dannye o khudozhestvennoi kul'tury Baktrii [New data on the artistic culture of Bactria]. Tashkent, 1973. pp. 108-110. Fig. 22-25. In another publication, the author calls these images "the Bactrian goddess" (Art of Bactria of the Kushan era, Moscow, 1979. Fig. 182, 186-187).

6. Pugachenkovu G.A. Les Tresors de Dalverzine-tepe. Leningrad, 1978. P. 55. Fig. 36.

7. Pugachenkova. The art of Bactria ... P. 154. Fig. 182.

8. Iskhakova E. A., Iskhakov M. N. Terrakoty Dalverzin-tepe / / Dalverzin-tepe-kushansky gorod na yugu Uzbekistanii. Tashkent, 1978. pp. 161-165.

9. llyasov Dj., Mkrtychev Т. Bactrian Goddess from Dalverzintepe. Attempts of Typological Analysis // Silk Road Art and Archaeology. Karnakura, 1991/92. V. 2. P. 107-127.

10. Abdullaev K. Terracotta plastic of Ai-Khanum // RA. 1996. N 1.

page 23

tours from Hatra, Dura-Europos, Palmyra show a lot of common plastic techniques in the transfer of drapery: the central fold, the design of the feet, etc. However, it should not be forgotten that the headdresses and hairstyles of Bactrian goddesses are very different from the Parthian models. The manner of interpreting individual details in the Parthian plastic of both a cult and secular nature turns into a kind of universal technique, which, if you do not take into account individual signs and attributes, confuse researchers in identifying a particular sample. That is why, having invaded the religious iconography of Parthia, the authors hesitated, and the problem of identifying the Dalverzin goddess remained open (11).

The stylistic feature chosen by the authors, which is so important in determining the time, place, and belonging of a particular work, is of little use for such a purpose as identifying the deity. After all, religious images in Mesopotamian plastic art are defined not by a secondary element of the costume (in this case, the central fold), but by such important iconographic features as the symbolism of the headdress and attributes (12).

The iconography of the deities of the Near East, especially in the Hellenistic period, fully reflects their synthetic nature. As you know, one of the great and most revered goddesses in the Seleucid Dura-Europos was the goddess Artemis. Franz Cumont notes that Artemis in Dura Europos is identified with Nanaya:

"Artemis, who was worshipped in the Macedonian city of Europos, was not so much a Greek as a Semitic goddess "(13). The fact that the Greek Artemis merges with Nanaya is also indicated by epigraphic data. So, for example, among the many dedications to Artemis, graffiti is known with the dedication of a certain Mattanat Nanaya. Another confirmation of Cumont's assumption about the identity of Artemis and Nanaia is the Palmyra tessera, where Artemis in her Western image is identical to Nanaia (14). The popularity of Artemis-Nanaia in Dura-Europos is indicated by one of the most revered and visited temples of the city, namely the Temple of Artemis-Apollo (15), the construction of which most likely dates back to the Parthian period of the city's history and dates no earlier than 40-32 BC. Although the composition of the temple was clearly orientalized, the dedicatory inscription of a certain Abydillos, son of Zabidilaios, to Artemis and Apollo, dating back to 2 AD, suggests that the deities worshipped here bore Greek names in their Seleucid form (16).

Having clarified the fact that Artemis in Mesopotamia in the Seleucid era and subsequent periods is associated with eastern Nanaya-Nana, let's turn to one of the most famous monuments of plastic art - to the relief known as the relief of Artemis Azzanatkon (17) and try to analyze some iconographic features of Artemis. The deity on the throne occupies about a third of the entire surface of the composition and is placed in the left corner. The goddess sits on a throne flanked by lions, wearing a long dress with flowing pleats with a highlighted pleat in the center between her legs, as in the above-discussed ter-

11. llyasov, Mkrtychev. Op. cit. P. 119.

12. For religious iconography, see, for example: Teixidor J. The Pantheon of Palmyra. Leiden, 1979. An interesting image of the symbol against the background of a solar halo, the latter most likely emphasizes the divine essence of the person depicted, and the symbol reveals the character and functions of the deity. In this aspect, one can interpret the votive relief from Palmyra (the temple of Bela) with the image of three female deities and Hercules: Ai pays de Baal et d'astarte. 10 000 ans d'art en Syrie. Catalogue. P., 1984. Fig. 288.

13. Cumont F. Fouilles de Doura-Europos. 1922-1923. P., 1926. P. 196, 199.

14.Ibid.

15. Strabo also calls Borsippa the holy fool of Artemis and Apollo (XVI. 1.7).

16. Downey S. The Stone and Plaster Sculpture. Excavations at Dura-Europos. Final Report III. Pt 1. Fasc. 2. Los Angeles, 1976. P. 170.

17. The above article by Ilyasov and Mkrtychev contains an incorrect form of the name (typo?). Azzanskona instead of Azzanathkona (Op. cit. p. 110).

page 24

3. Terracotta figurine

Fig. 4. Terracotta figurine

rakotah. The left shoulder is wrapped in a cloak, which, covering the left side, diagonally crosses the body; the heavy fold of the cloak is shown in large relief (18).

In the same manner as we observed in the North Bactrian terracotta images, the feet that protrude from under the folds of the dress are treated. Thus, the claim that there is no reason to identify the group of Dalverzin terracotas with the deity Nana, since "there is no vertical fold in its rich iconography", is untenable.

Let's turn to other, more significant signs that give a clue to the nature of the deity. The most important and essential attributes in this respect are the attributes of the deity and the design of the headdress. The former, unfortunately, are almost indistinguishable due to the indistinctness of the impression on many terracotas, and one can only guess at the nature of the attribute (fruit, plant). The headdress and other details that adorn the character's head remain.

It has already been noted that two Paenkurgan heads have a crescent-shaped sign on their foreheads with a small dash above it. From the Dalverzin terracotta group, a head in a high hemispherical headdress with rectangular pendants decorated with intersecting lines attracts attention (19). On the forehead of this character - the same mark in the form of a crescent and a dash-the authors take it for "wrinkles" (20), although, given the peculiarities in the rendering of the face by Bactrian coroplasts, this is hardly possible, and in this case especially (21). The picture clarifies perfectly

18. It is interesting to note that on some samples of terracotta from Dalverzin tepe and Paenkurgan, the left hand of the goddess holds just such a fold, see Figures M. 2 (Paenkurgan) and (ibid. PI IV. 1, 2-Dalverzin-tepe).

19. A similar method of decoration can be seen on the ornaments of the goddess in the paintings of the temple in the northern part of Dalverzin-tepe, namely on a necklace in the form of large and small beads (Dalverzin-tepe-Kushan city ... Fig. 53).

20. Ilyasov, Mkrtychev. U k op. p. 113. Table V, 4.

21. As shown by the Dalverzin Tepe terracotas, crescent-shaped pendants falling over the forehead are characteristic not only for images of a cult nature, such as throne deities, but also for figurines depicting musicians. So, for example, near the ancient settlement, a matrix was found for

page 25

preserved head (Fig. 3) from the same Dalverzin tepe. Her high headdress is crowned in the upper part with the image of a crescent moon with horns facing up (22). The decoration of the headdress is complemented by a number of pearls arranged in a relief arc on which the crescent moon lies, as well as two shamrocks placed slightly lower above the triangular part of the headdress (23). Pearls and shamrocks, in all likelihood, are the same as They are associated with astral symbolism, and the image of a crescent moon on a headdress clearly defines the sphere of activity of this deity.

It is interesting to note that on some terracotta images of female deities, there is an element of headdress that vaguely resembles lunar and solar symbols (Fig. 4).The latter, in particular, includes a head from Budrach, as well as a fragment of the upper part of the terracotta from Dalverzin tepe [24]. Both of these images are shown in identical headdresses - the author of the publication calls this element horns, although it is depicted directly above the forehead. This element is represented by two upward-curved horns with a rounded thickening in the middle. A similar thickening, but only located under the crescent, can be seen on the coins of Huvishki with the image of Nana on a lion. Nothing contradicts the fact that this is an image of a crescent moon, even if it is shown in the form of horns, since the latter in the art of the ancient East were often associated with lunar symbols. Although these terracotas from Budrac and Dalverzin Tepe belong to a later time (VI-VII centuries AD), nevertheless, the symbolism of the headdress in its transformed form conveys the character of a deity whose cult has been preserved in the folk environment for a long time.

I would like to mention one more, in my opinion, interesting detail in the Dalverzin Tepe terracotas-these are pendants on the images of musicians, falling on the forehead in the form of a crescent. We are talking about the matrix for the impression of terracotta depicting a lute player, which was found near the settlement, as well as the figure itself, discovered at the Dt-6 object in room 1 and dating from the I-II centuries AD. (25) Of course, you can see just musicians decorated in their own way, although as in DalverzinBoth Tepe and Paenkurgan also found images of musicians without these signs and decorations. But what does the crescent moon on the forehead of the same lutenist symbolize? Does it mean that these musicians belong to the temple? It is known that music accompanied many religious holidays and ceremonies. Along with ordinary musicians, there was undoubtedly a category of temple musicians who accompanied ritual actions (26).

Let's turn to the monuments of art that are closest in time and space. Paenkurgan terracotas were found in the layers where kushans coins were found-

impression of a lute player figure with a crescent-shaped pendant on her forehead. Dating of this find is facilitated by a statuette found in the strata of the ancient settlement (I-II centuries AD). See Vyzgo T. S. Images of musicians in the coroplastics of Dalverzin-tepe / / Dalverzin-tepe-Kushan city ... p. 167. Fig. 1,2; Antiquities of Southern Uzbekistan. Catalog. Soka University, 1991, No. 66, 68.

22. Antiquities of Southern Uzbekistan. Table VII, 1.

23. Similar decorations are found on terracotta from Cakmak tepe: Pugachenkova G. A. New Terracottas from North Bactria / / East and West. 1992. V. 42. N 1. P. 52-53. Fig. 2; the crescent-shaped pendant can be seen in the female image draped in a folded robe with a short hairstyle of straight hair: Iskhakona, Iskhakov. Delverzin tepe terracotas ... Fig. 114, 79.

24. Pugachenkova. New Terracottas... P. 57. Fig. 8; P. 58. Fig. 9.

25. Vyzgo. Images of musicians... p. 167. Fig. 1, 2.

26. In written sources, such data are not recorded, but it is known, for example, about the existence of the sign of the goddess (Artemis!), which marked the temple cows. Plutarch, describing Lucullus 'campaign against the Parthians, notes that in the area where there is a crossing over the Euphrates," ... cows are grazed dedicated to the Persian Artemis, whom the barbarians who lived on the other side of the Euphrates revere above all deities; these cows are intended only for sacrifices, they roam freely around, branded with the brand of the goddess in the form of a cross. in the form of a light, and to catch one of them, if necessary, is worth a lot of work "(Plut. Luc. XXIV). It also speaks of stones dedicated to this goddess.

page 26

.

many kings, including Kanishka. In the pantheon of deities of this king, Nana (Nanaya) occupies a prominent place. On the reverse of Kanishka coins, you can see two main iconographic types of Nana-sitting on a lion or standing figure with a rod with an animal's protoma and a bowl. Special works were devoted to the iconographic type of the goddess on the lion, which give a detailed analysis of both the image as a whole and individual details [27]. The image of the goddess on a lion, and it is in this form that Nana survives to the early Middle Ages, draws its iconography from the ancient and very popular Cybele in the East for a long time (28). Less clearly, perhaps due to insufficient study, in the visual arts of Bactria and, in particular, in coroplasty, the type of Nana standing (on coins - with a bowl and a rod with an animal's protoma) is traced. However, we cannot exclude other variants of the iconography of this goddess, for example, on the silver bowl with the image of the goddess on a fantastic animal, which is cited by K. V. Trever (29). Two versions of the official iconography of Nana give Kushan coins. In both cases, the head of the deity is crowned with a crescent moon with horns up. Moreover, Kanishka is the first Kushan king who uses the name of Nana in his titulature. The special commitment of this king to the deity Nana and her dominant position in the Kushan pantheon is indicated by the recently discovered and published Kanishki inscription from Rabatak (30). The name of Nana with her lunar symbol can be seen on the coins of Sapadbiz (31).

Finally, it is impossible not to mention the temple opened on Dalverzin Tepe (32).The nature of the murals, their completely unusual canvas leads E. V. Rtveladze to conclude that the plot is unique, which does not find analogies not only in the region of Central Asia, but also in "the entire Middle East" (33). Using the exclusion method, the author concludes that the temple was dedicated to the cult of Nana. The entire archaeological context does not contradict this assumption, although the fragmentary nature of the resulting image complex at first glance does not give grounds to insist on such an interpretation. However, if we turn to some seemingly insignificant details of the mural, we will find additional arguments that support the position of E. V. Rtveladze. We are referring to elements that are indirectly related to both the terracotta images of the "seated goddesses" and the iconography of Nana. We are talking about the left figure of the composition, whose head is surrounded by a halo, emphasizing the divine essence of the depicted one (34). On the right side there is a part of the hairstyle that gives an idea of its shape - these are radially diverging lines, reminiscent of hairstyles on the Dalverzin Tepe and Paenkurgan terracotas. But there is another element of the headdress, which the publisher is silent about, and it is essential for us - these are the horn-shaped processes extending from both sides, which, in our opinion, mean nothing more than the horns of a crescent moon facing up.

The existence of this temple within the ancient city eloquently testifies to the dominant position of the cult of Nana in the early Kush city. If you consider

27. One of the most recent works is an article by K. Tanahe, Nana on Lion. East and West in Sogdian Art//Orient'. 1995. XXX-XXXI. P. 309-334).

28. Vermaseren M.J. Cybele and Attis the Myth and the Cult. L., 1977.

29. Trever K. V. Zolotaya statuetka iz seleniya Khait (k voprosu o kushanskom pantheon) [Golden statuette from the village of Khait (on the question of the Kushan pantheon)]. Hermitage Museum, vol. II, 1958, pp. 137-138. Fig. 12.

30. Sims-Williams N.. Crihb J. A New Bactrian Inscription of Kanishka the Great // Silk Road Art and Archaeology. 1995/96. V. IV. P. 77-81. It is interesting to note the previously unknown title given in this inscription, namely: ia ai(TO vava... - "mother of Nana". Cf., for example, Bactrian Nara pao - "queen of Nana" or Sogdian /i "8p'mbn -" lady of Nana " (ibid., p. 85).

31. Mitchiner M. Indo-Greek and Indo-Scythian Coinage. V. 4. Contemporaries of the Indo-Greeks. L., 1975, P. 303. Тур. 509.

32. Rtveladze E. V. Temple in the northern part of Dalverzintepe / / Dalverzintepe-kushansky gorod ... pp. 75-90.

33. Ibid., p. 88.

34. Ibid. Fig. 53.

page 27

The fact that the Buddhist sanctuary (35) was located outside the city limits by this time increases the significance of the Nana Temple. Finally, the evidence of coroplasty, which practically does not include Buddhist images, also supports the fact that the temple belongs to Nana [36].

Nana is particularly popular in the Hellenistic era. It is possible that her cult penetrates into Central Asia during this period. Recall that in the Seleucid era, the patrons of the dynasty and the most revered deities were Artemis and Apollo, in Seleucid Syria they were often duplicated by their eastern "colleagues" Nana and Naboo.

In order to find out the question of how the goddess worshipped in Mesopotamia gets into the Kushan pantheon and becomes one of the most popular deities, you should refer to her pedigree. In the article "Nana, Sumerian-Akkadian goddess of Transoxiana" (37), G. Azarpai gives a Sumerian-Akkadian hymn to this goddess, where she declares herself the daughter of Sin, the beloved sister of Shamash, powerful in Borsippa (38). During the Hellenistic period, she was often associated with the Greek Artemis. As already noted, in Parthian times, a temple was erected in the center of Dura Europos, where dedicatory inscriptions elevate her to the rank of the supreme deity of the city. The images of Aphrodite, the winged deity, Tyche, or Fortune, which are erected in the temple of Nana, indicate that Nana is endowed with the functions of all these deities (39).

In the Hellenistic era, the cult of Nana spread far beyond Syria and Mesopotamia. In Bactria, according to G. Azarpay, Nana was not assimilated by Artemis, and the iconography of the goddess remained Middle Eastern (40). We can say that Nana is included in the Kushan religious iconography in its original form. And if in the early Medieval Sogd it comes closer to the Chthonic deity of the Avestan pantheon Armaiti, as G. Azarpay believes, then in our opinion, most likely Nana comes closer to the more revered, as reflected in the Avesta hymns, Anahita. If we take into account the mention of ancient authors that the temples of Anahita are associated by the Greeks with the temple of Artemis, then the logical link in this chain seems to be the rapprochement of Nana with Anahita (41). Here we are talking, of course, only about the functional proximity of the two deities, but we have only a limited number of examples, as far as this is reflected in their iconography. The Palmyra tesserae with the image of both goddesses, which is mentioned by J. R. R. Tolkien. Rosenfield, says the opposite: both deities were different from each other (42). In any case, there is no iconographic fusion, as shown by the reliefs of the Sasanian period with the image of the goddess Anahita. The coin iconography of Kushan is also significant in this respect, since the image of the Iranian goddess is not attested in it [43].

In the Kushan pantheon there is another deity, which in its functions can be brought closer to the previous two-this is Ardohsho. Iconographically and functionally, the latter is most closely related to Tyche Fortuna (44). Its main atri-

35. Pugachenkova G. A., Turgunov B. A. Buddhist sanctuary in a suburban area / / Dalverzintepe-kushansky gorod ... pp. 90-97.

36. Abdullaev K. Religions and cults of Hellenistic Bactria. Tez. dokl.konf. Samarkand, 1996.

37. Azarpay G. Nana, The Sumero-Akkadian Goddess of Transoxiana // JAOS. 1976. 96. P. 536-541.

38. Reiner E. A Sumero-Akkadian hymn to Nana // JNES. 1975. 33. P. 221-236.

39. Azarpay. Nana... P. 537.

40. Ibid. P. 539.

41. Ahdullaev К. Artemis - Nanaia - Anahita (A propos du syncretism religieux) // Histoire et Cultes de 1'Asie Centrale preislamique. Sources ecrites et documents archeologiques. P., 1988. P. 1-4.

42. Rosenfield J.M. The Dynastic Arts of the Kushans. Berkeley - Los-Angeles, 1967. P. 88.

43. An exception may be the Kushan-Sasanian coin depicting a figure on a high-backed throne holding an investiture ring in his right hand. See Gobi R. System und Chronological der Munzpragung des Kusanreich. Wien, 1984. P. 114. Tour. 1028/6.

44. K. Abdullaev Tihe-Ardokhsho-Hariti (On the question of the Kushan Pantheon) / / ONU, 1995, N 1-3, pp. 38-2.

page 28

but-horn-symbolizes abundance and prosperity (45). However, prosperity here is probably meant, as Rosenfield does (46), the prosperity of the State, the abundance and prosperity of the entire Power. Here the character of the deity takes on a tone of proclamativeness. Meanwhile, if we return to the image of Nana surrounded by astral, lunar and solar symbols with attributes in the form of the protoma of an animal and a bowl, then her image is fanned by the idea of inviolability and constancy in the physical world (nature). Recall that she remains a dynastic patron deity of the royal power. This is reflected not only in the titulature of the Kushan kings, but also in the images of Nana with the kneeling king on the rather rare Khuvishki coins (47). This composition is clearly influenced by Parthian coin iconography (48). And if the deities standing in front of the king sitting (in most cases) on the throne on Parthian coins indicate their clearly subordinate character, then the image on Kushan coins unequivocally emphasizes the supreme position of the goddess. Obviously, Nana inherits her high rank from the cult of the moon, sun and heavenly bodies, which is very influential among the ancestors of the Kushan yuezhi.

Summing up a brief analysis of the image of the goddess Nana, so revered by the people and reflected in the officially pro-advertising genre of art, i.e. in numismatics, it should be noted that this image should have found its expression in the most popular genre of fine art, in particular coroplasty. It would be too categorical to insist on the connection of all female images on the throne with one deity, but many samples are clearly close in their iconography to Nana. Based on reliable stratigraphic conditions, the Paenkurgan terracotta group can be dated to the 1st-11th centuries A.D. Two clearly different anthropological types in terracotta images found in the same cultural layer indicate a mixed ethnic character of the population [49]. This fact fully affects the religious iconography and, in turn, makes it possible to speak with a high degree of confidence about the composition of the population of Paenkurgan; most likely, the same situation can be traced on Dalverzin Tepe.

ON THE IDENTIFICATION OF THE ENTHRONED FIGURES IN KUSHAN COROPLASTIC ART

(On the Material of Payenkurgan Fortress in Northern Bactria) K. Ahdullayev

The article is dedicated to the enthroned female figures, a widespread type in Bactrian coroplastic art of Yueji and Kushan periods.

The main area where they are found is in the middle reaches of the Surha Darya (Chaganian district). A great number of such terracotta figures was found during the archaeological study of Payenkurgan Fortress, east if the "Iron gate" (12 km from the settlement of Derbent). The stratigraphical position of the terracotta figures date them back to the 1 st c. AD, similar figures in other archaeological areas (e.g. Dalverzintepe) must be dated to the same time.

45. In Bactria coroplastics, the image of Ardohsho is approached by a terracotta figurine found in the late Antique layers of Zar Tepe. See Zavyalov V. A. Pozdnekushanskaya antropomorfnaya terrakota zartepe [Late Kush anthropomorphic terracotta of Zartepe]. KSIA. 1981. 167. pp. 65-67. Fig. 3.

46. Rosenfield. Op. cit. P. 88.

47. Gobi. Op. cit. P. 87. Tour. 844, 846.

48. Selwood D. Introduction to the Coinage of Parthia. L., 1980.

49. For more information, see Abdullaev K. About one story in the coroplasty of Kushan Bactria // Y. G. Gulyamov and the development of historical sciences in Uzbekistan. Tashkent, 1988, pp. 6-9.

page 29

The figures represent two distinct racial types, Europeoid and Mongoloid. This testifies to the mixed character of Early Kushan population. Iconographical analysis reveals close analogies between these objects and some objects of Mesopotamian plastic art. The identifying feature of the deity's personification is symbolic headdress and attributes. Some of the terracota figures have a clear image of half-moon on them, a permanent symbol of goddess Nana. This identification is supported both by the coin iconography with its two main types (a goddess sitting on a lion or standing and holding a bowl and a staff decorated with an animal protome) and by the wallpainting fragment from Dalverzintepe depicting a female deity. Finally, Nana's (Nanaia's) dominant position in Kushan pantheon is attested by a recently found inscription of Kaniska from Rabataka (Afghanistan). The goddess is mentioned in the coin titles of the great Kushan Kings Kanishka and Khuvishka. The popularity of Mesopotamian Nana, daughter of the moon god Sina and sister of the sun god Samas, in the Kushan pantheon may be explained by the predominance of sun and moon cults in the nomadic ethnos of Yueji, Kushans's ancestors. The iconography of the goddes was influenced by the Mesopotamian art and is closed to that of Artemis Nanaia, Cybele and later to that of the local deity Ardokhso.

Permanent link to this publication: