It is difficult to overestimate the importance of cross-cultural research for the development of mutual understanding between peoples. A special role in this area of the humanities is played by the study of the image of the world, the peculiarities of perception of the surrounding reality. In this article, the author, starting from the data obtained in the course of associative experiments, examines the images of money and home in the language picture of the world of Russians and Japanese. The example of these two images allows us to judge how representatives of the respective cultures relate to property, since money can be considered the most typical example of movable property,and a house, respectively, is real estate.

First of all, a few words about the research material and analysis methods used. As part of a comparative study of language consciousness, a free associative experiment was used, during which respondents were asked to respond (in writing) to the first word that came to mind, to each of the stimulus words in the list offered to them. Three different samples were compared.

First, associations of native Russian speakers were analyzed on the basis of the first volume ("From Stimulus to Reaction") of the two-volume Russian Associative Dictionary (Russkiy Associative Dictionary, 2002). Data for this publication were collected in the late 1980s and early 1990s, mainly among students of various universities. They reflect the views of Russian respondents of the perestroika and post-perestroika period. Since the data collected by the compilers of the "Russian Associative Dictionary" (hereinafter referred to as RAS), on average, fall on the beginning of the 1990s, when referring to samples from RAS, Russian respondents of the early 1990s will be conditionally referred to (abbreviated P1).

Second, to analyze the associations of native Japanese speakers, we used data obtained during an associative experiment conducted at Osaka University (Japan) in 2001-2002. (abbreviated as I). The total database consisted of 140 questionnaires with an equal number of men and women filling out the questionnaires (70 people each).

Third, we used the responses of Russian respondents in 2006, i.e., relatively speaking, at the beginning of the XXI century (abbreviated P2). During this period, they were studied in Moscow and the Moscow region mainly among students of various universities. In total, the resulting body of questionnaires was 140 pieces, with 70 of them filled out by men and 70 by women, which fully corresponds to the number of questionnaires collected in Japan.

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Long-term practice of associative experiments has shown that with a well-distributed sample consisting of at least 100 subjects, it is possible to judge the worldview of large groups of people with a high degree of reliability (for more information, see [Palkin, 2008]).

During the comparison of samples, the proximity indicator (W) was calculated for each of the three pairs of samples. In a small but very informative article by A. A. Grigoriev and M. S. Klenskaya [Grigoriev and Klenskaya, 2000], methods for calculating this indicator are described in detail.

The meaning of the proximity indicator is that the closer the obtained value is to unity, the more the perception of the studied image coincides among the representatives of the compared samples, and vice versa: the closer the obtained value is to zero, the less common features in the perception of this image are found between the samples. Practice shows that a real approximation of this indicator to unity is not expected. Since the formation of the associative field of any stimulus is determined, among other things, by the individual preferences of the subjects, even when comparing two monocultural samples collected in the same place with an interval of six months, we inevitably encounter discrepancies at the level of individual reactions, as well as discrepancies in the percentage indicators of high-rank reactions. General trends will continue, but discrepancies will also be present precisely because of the personal factor. For this reason, the proximity indicator of two samples in the range from 0.4 to 0.5 (and above) should be considered high in this case, in the range from 0.3 to 0.39 - above average, from 0.2 to 0.29 - average, from 0.1 to 0.19 - below average, and the proximity indicator below 0.1 - low.

Adhering to the analysis scheme proposed in the collective monograph "Mentality of Russians" [Mentalnost ' rossiyan, 1996, p. 268-277], and somewhat transforming the terminology adopted in it, the author identifies four semantic components of associative fields: 1) logical-conceptual (knowledge based on the conceptual processing of sensory data); 2) body-perceptual (knowledge based directly on representations of sensory-bodily activity); 3) value-semantic (knowledge related to spiritual ideals); and 4) emotional-affective (knowledge that arose on the basis of subjective experiences). All reactions with a rounded score of at least 1.5% in each sample were included in the summary table of reactions. All reactions included in the table (or, if necessary, groups of reactions selected according to the principle of semantic proximity) are numbered. These numbers are interpreted in the legend that follows the table. For each component and for each sample, the total specific weight of all members of this row is shown in parentheses at the end of each row of the table.

* * *

So, let's move on to consider the images of consciousness that describe the respondents ' attitude to property.

Let's start with the "money" incentive. It is particularly interesting in the light of the revolutionary economic changes that took place in Russia after the transition from the socialist path of development to the capitalist one.

In modern Russian, money is understood as "metal and paper signs that are a means of payment"; a more rare sememe is "capital". For the Japanese list of stimuli, the word o-kane was used, which fully conveys the first sememe of its Russian equivalent, and also has the sememe "metal" (in its broadest sense). Looking ahead, it is the first sememe of the stimulus under consideration, which coincides in both languages, that was decisive in the choice of associative responses by the subjects.

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Proximity metrics for three samples:

W (Р1/Я) = 0.16; W (Р2/Я) = 0.18; W (Р1/Р2) = 0.27.

Statistics show that, despite all the political and economic upheavals that have taken place in Russia, the image of money in the perception of Russians in fact did not come close to the corresponding image of the Japanese. At the same time, certain changes are observed in the Russian ethical picture of the world in connection with this semanteme. It follows that the qualitative shift in the attitude of Russians to money is primarily due to socio-economic, rather than national and cultural transformations.

Let's discuss this in more detail, based on the semantic components of the associative fields we are interested in.

Summary table 1

Splitting the associative fields "money" and o-kane by semantic components

Logical and conceptual component

Body-perceptual component

I

3; 4; 5; 9; 10; 11; 12; 13; 15 (35%)

I

2; 8; 14 (11.5%)

P1

1; 4; 5; 9; 10; 12; 13; 14 (27%)

P1

3; 8; 11 (7.5%)

P2

2; 3; 4; 5; 7; 9; 10; 13 (42.5%)

P2

6 (3.5%)

Value-semantic component

Emotional and affective component

I

1; 6; 7 (28%)

I

P1

2; 6; 7 (8.5%)

P1

P2

1; 11; 12 (25%)

P2

8 (3%)

Legend

I (Japanese reactions)

P1 (reactions of Russians from different races)

P2 (Russian reactions 2006)

1: want + need + need + want a lot (19.5% + 0.5% + 0.5% + + 0.5% = 21%)

1: large + many + large + considerable + huge (7.5% + 3.5% + 2% + 0.5% + 0.5% = 14%)

1: evil + dirt + enemy + human enemy + dirty (12% + 1.5% + 0.5% + 0.5% + 0.5% = 15%)

2: bill + bundle of banknotes + cash + banknote + coins (3% + 1.5% + 1.5% + 0.5% + 0.5% = 7%)

2: little + no + over + no (2% + 1.5% + 1% + 0.5% = 5%)

2: power + permissiveness (12% + 0.5%= 12.5%)

3: wallet (6.5%)

3: paper + paper + scraps (2% + 1.5% + 0.5% = 4%)

3: wealth (9.5%)

4: earn + work + work (2% + 1.5% + 1.5% = 5%)

4: mad + crazy (2.5% + 0.5% = 3%)

4: work + earn money (5% + 2% = 7%)

5: part-time work (5%)

5: wallet (2.5%)

5: a lot (4.5%)

6: no + missing (3.5% + 0.5% = 4%)

6: needed (2%)

6: paper (3.5%)

7: important (3%)

7: evil + this is evil (1.5% + 0.5% = 2%)

7: wallet (3.5%)

8: yellow color + golden color (1.5% + 1.5% = 3%)

8: gold (2%)

8: happiness (3%)

9: use (3%)

9: water (1.5%)

9: time (2%)

10: salary + first salary (2% + 0.5% = 2.5%)

10: time (1.5%)

10: dollar + dollars (1.5% + 0.5% = 2%)

11: contribution (1.5%)

11: no smell (1.5%)

11: need + want (1.5% + 0.5% = 2%)

12: money (1.5%)

12: dollar + dollars + green (0.5% + 0.5% + 0.5% = 1.5%)

12: good (1.5%)

13: desire (1.5%)

13: earned + earn + work (0.5% + 0.5% + 0.5% = 1.5%)

13: give (1.5%)

14: gold (1.5%)

14: ruble (1.5%)

15: yen (1.5%)

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The reactions assigned to the logical-conceptual component have approximately the same aggregate specific weight in all three samples. However, the content side of these reactions differs.

The only reaction that is noticeable in all three samples due to its relatively high frequency is "wallet". A wallet as a place to store money is a rather expected reaction, the absence of which in one of the associative fields would be difficult to explain. In all three samples, the relationship between the images of money and work is also indicated, but here it is found that respondents from the first Russian sample mentioned the need to work much less often than Russians of the beginning of the XXI century and Japanese. It seems that this state of affairs is primarily related to the peculiarities of commodity-money relations. Russians of the post-perestroika period were still under the influence of socialist economic principles, when the employee often received money for the fact of being at work, and not for specific success in actually performing it. The Soviet economy taught the Russian people that even repeatedly exceeding the established norms will not bring them much money. Legendary Stakhanovites received universal fame, honor, and various awards, but their bonuses could not be higher than the established level. Most Soviet workers, employees, and peasants preferred to carry out the established plan without undue strain, knowing that excessive work would not improve their material well-being. The sharp economic downturn of the early 1990s is also due to the fact that the Russian people were not able to immediately rebuild themselves during the transition from socialist to capitalist rails. The realization of the need to really work in order to earn money came later.

The data of the association experiment show that by the beginning of the XXI century, this awareness was firmly established in the Russian mentality. It is quite natural that the Japanese, for whom the capitalist system of development has long been the leading one, identify with the Russians of 2006, repeatedly emphasizing the connection between the images of money and work.

In the two Russian samples, reactions are found that are radically different from those proposed by the Japanese. It should be noted that the responses of respondents of the post-perestroika period, indicated under items 1 and 4, contain features of both the logical-conceptual and body-perceptual components. At the same time, it is noticeable that in this case the signs of the logical-conceptual component are expressed to a greater extent: a large amount of money is perceived more abstractly than concretely. The reactions "a lot"," crazy", etc. imply "capital" rather than bills or coins. The abundance of such reactions in the first Russian sample demonstrates the extreme surprise of respondents of the post-perestroika period, who discovered that, it turns out, you can get rich in your native country in a very short time. Russians at the beginning of the XXI century managed to get used to this phenomenon, and therefore the "many" reaction scored significantly less than the group of reactions with a similar value from the first Russian sample. It is obvious that over the past 15 years, Russians have largely managed to adapt to the new economic conditions.

Russians of the early 1990s refer to two well-known proverbs related to money. We are talking about the reactions "water" and"time". The first goes back to the proverb "Wealth ( money) is water, has come and gone"; the second refers to the proverb "Time is money". In the second Russian sample, only the "vremya" reaction was popular. This suggests that the Russians of the beginning of the XXI century began to treat money less lightly. In addition, for Russians, "wealth" and the connection of images of money and power are no longer a rarity.

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The two Russian samples also differ sharply in the specific weight of the "evil" reaction, which we have assigned to the value-semantic component. As K. P. Kasyanova rightly points out, " in general, in our culture, the range of private goals that an individual is allowed to pursue on an individual basis is very limited compared to other cultures. In particular, too much profit-seeking is culturally frowned upon" (cit. by: [Vladimirov, 1996, p. 352]). Indeed, money is perceived as an unmistakable evil by both samples, but distrust of money is much higher in the 2006 sample. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the clash of native Russian values, according to which spiritual priorities should be higher than material ones, with Western values "imbued" with a materialistic approach, led not only to a cultural shock, but also to certain conclusions. Russians became convinced of the unacceptability of the Western model, as the pursuit of money, which included the majority of the Russian population, led to a deterioration in living conditions and a sharp stratification of society. In the early 1990s, Russians often knew only theoretically that the desire to get rich could bring bad luck. The harsh 90s taught them a practical lesson. By the beginning of the twenty-first century, the vast majority of Russians were convinced of the negative impact of money on people. It was money that was blamed for the degradation of ethics in government structures (it is no coincidence that the reaction "power" has an extremely high rank in the sample of 2006).) and impoverishment of the so-called vulnerable segments of the population. An eloquent confirmation of this is the leadership of the reactions included in points 1 and 2 in the second Russian sample. At the same time, it should be noted that some Russians at the beginning of the XXI century managed to "make friends" with money and Western ideology, and they declared that money is "good", although there is a clear minority of such people.

The Japanese have a different attitude to money. If money is evil for the Russians, it is certainly good for the Japanese. This is indicated not only by the most frequent reaction "I want", but also by repeated complaints about the lack of money. The "important"response also gained a considerable percentage. Money for the Japanese is primarily a means of subsistence. Everyone in Japan knows that if you work hard, you can earn good money, which you can live comfortably on. A high degree of social protection, comprehensive state care for its citizens (including the homeless) guarantees stability to the Japanese; the availability of money ensures a free life. The Japanese proverb kane-ga mono-o iu, whose literal translation is "money can talk", will be mentioned here. The meaning of the saying is that money has a great effective power. This proverb perfectly reflects the attitude towards money in Japanese culture.

We can state the mercantile attitude of the Japanese to money, which has been developing for centuries. The interests of the family, the need to pay tribute to deceased ancestors, and the Shinto philosophy led to the fact that human feelings were usually ignored in favor of family prosperity and honor, which ensured the prosperity of the family, which was extremely important for the Japanese. "The basis of the Shinto worldview is a view that spiritualizes the universe. Numerous kami deities are present everywhere: in animals, plants, rocks, streams, rivers, mountains" [Glaveva, 2003, p. 23], and they all need to please. It is also necessary to please the numerous deceased ancestors, who may become angry if the family family fails, so the Japanese have long been concerned primarily about the prosperity of their own family, making every effort to find much-needed means of subsistence.

During the so - called closed country period (which lasted until the Meiji monarchical Restoration of 1867-1868), Japanese society was divided into samurai, artisans, merchants, and peasants. Some researchers prefer to talk about the caste system in this regard. Indeed, re-

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the passage from one class to another was forbidden, and marriages between representatives of different classes were not allowed. However, in Japan at that time, the system of "adoption" was widespread, when a samurai family (the most prestigious caste-estate) could adopt a representative of another class (even with living parents), as a result of which he and his children automatically became samurai. Of course, adoptions didn't just happen. As a rule, this procedure was followed by a clear calculation on both sides. R. Benedict writes on this occasion that the custom of adoption "provided an opportunity to" buy " samurai status. When... merchants were getting rich, and they made arrangements to adopt their sons into samurai families. In Japan, they rarely adopt a child, but rather take a husband for their daughter. He is considered an "adopted husband" and becomes the heir of his adoptive father. Since his name is deleted from the register of his own family and entered in the register of his wife, he has to pay a heavy price for this. He takes her last name and lives with his foster mother. But even if the pay is high, the benefits are even greater, because the descendants of a prosperous merchant become samurai, and the family of an impoverished samurai finds an alliance with wealth " [Benedict, 2004, p. 53].

In the twenty-first century, of course, it no longer occurs to anyone to adopt a husband for a daughter, but the pragmatic approach described by R. Benedict has been preserved in the linguistic consciousness of the Japanese, who link the possibility of a proper life in society with affluence, which implies the presence of a certain amount of money.

Both Russians and Japanese are united at the level of the value-semantic component, which is found only on the periphery of associative fields, by the recognition that both of them "need"money. Regardless of the type of culture and features of economic development, money remains the most important element of commodity-money relations, determining the conditions for the existence of society as a whole and each individual separately. Here is how A. A. Korinthsky characterizes the attitude of Russians to money, using proverbs and sayings: "Money is not a bird, but with wings: they will carry a person wherever they want,and they will fly away from him just look. They, according to people who look into the future, love the bill: "Bread is a measure, money is a bill", "Money is not chips", "Money saves the ruble, and the ruble protects the head", "Without a master, money is shards", "Keep money in the dark, and the girl in tight quarters", - they teach the young people who are prone to extravagance..."[Korinthsky, 1994, p. 484].

As part of the body-perceptual component, the Japanese respect for money also contrasts with the disdainful attitude of the Russians. For Russians, money is "paper", "pieces of paper"; in such answers, contempt for banknotes is evident. For the Japanese, money is not a piece of paper at all; they use the neutral names "bill", "banknote" - not a single derogatory reaction. In addition, the Japanese sample mentioned the yellow color that some Japanese coins and banknotes have. Visual perception is extremely important for representatives of Japanese culture. The "yellow" and "golden" reactions can also indicate gold. The image of gold is linked to the image of money in both cultures. The absence of the "gold" reaction in the table above for the second Russian sample should not be misleading. In the sample of 2006, there is a single reaction "gold bars", it also refers us to the image of gold.

A certain lag in the specific weight of body-perceptual reactions from the second Russian sample is compensated by the "happiness" reaction. This is the only repeated reaction that was included in the emotional-affective component, and it appears only in the Russian sample of the beginning of the XXI century. It is difficult to interpret this reaction unambiguously. Some respondents who suggested it undoubtedly meant that money can bring happiness. However, you should keep in mind the popular saying "happiness is not in money", which contains the traditional for Rus-

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criticism of money in the Russian culture. Perhaps some subjects used the "happiness" reaction, referring to this particular saying. Here it is appropriate to quote again the work of A. A. Korinthsky: "But wealth is not equally suitable for every person: to one person in this way, and to another - in this way. "Not to live with wealth, but with a person" - a winged word flew out of the people's spontaneous soul, prompted by the sensitive heart of the visionary people, who admit that although life is more attractive in contentment and satiety, but "happiness is not in money", but in good harmony" [Korinthsky, 1994, p.481].

So, we see that the fundamental difference between the image of money in Russian and Japanese cultures lies in the evaluation sphere. The Japanese see money more as a blessing, the Russians more as an evil. The low level of corruption of the Japanese bureaucracy does not give the Japanese any reason to talk about the connection between power and enrichment. The Russians of the early 1990s were also not aware of the "power-money" link, but at the beginning of the twenty-first century, the situation changed dramatically: most Russians came to the opinion that money is evil and that people in power who are generally disliked have money. What all three groups have in common is that everyone needs money; moreover, both cultures recognize (albeit to varying degrees) that it is necessary to work to get money, and rightly believe that money can provide a decent life for a person.

A comparison of two Russian samples shows that while in the 1990s Russians were quite surprised by the rapid enrichment of some of their compatriots, in the twenty-first century they got used to the fact of the existence of a rich stratum of society, to which a restrained negative attitude was formed. In addition, Russians began to work harder to get the necessary amount of money for their existence.

* * *

Consider the following "home" incentive. As noted above, while money is a measure of people's attitudes toward movable property, the image of a home is most reflective of their attitudes toward real estate.

In Russian, the word "house" has the sememes "residential (or for an institution) building"; "their housing, as well as the family, people living together, and their economy"; "a place where people live who are united by common interests and living conditions"; "an institution that serves any public needs";"dynasty, clan". The Japanese equivalent of ie has a wider semantic range, including all of the above sememes except the fourth, but also has a number of minor sememes that differ from those listed above. We will not list the secondary sememes of the Japanese stimulus word here, confining ourselves to stating the fact of their existence. The fact is that they did not affect the associative field of the ie stimulus, so it is enough to keep in mind that the main sememes of the Russian stimulus "house" and its Japanese equivalent coincide. They were reflected in the reactions of the subjects.

Proximity metrics for three samples:

W (Р1/Я) = 0.19; W (Р2/Я) = 0.31; W (Р1/Р2) = 0.27.

We can see that the image of the Russian home in the 1990s was more different from the corresponding Japanese image than at the beginning of the XXI century. Within the framework of Russian culture, significant shifts in the perception of this image are also noticeable. What has changed in 15 years?

Again, let's turn to the corresponding semantic components.

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Summary table 2

Splitting the associative fields "home" and ie by semantic components

Logical and conceptual component

Body-perceptual component

I

1; 2; 3; 7 (33%)

I

5; 6; 9; 10 (12%)

P1

2; 4; 5; 6; 9; 13 (28%)

P1

3; 7; 8; 10; 11; 12; 14; 16 (23%)

P2

1; 5; 8; 9; 11; 13; 14 (38%)

P2

2; 3; 4; 16 (19%)

Value-semantic component

Emotional and affective component

I

4; 8 (6%)

I

P1

1; 15 (13.5%)

P1

P2

6; 7; 10; 12; 15 (12.5%)

P2

Legend

I (Japanese reactions)

P1 (reactions of Russians from different races)

P2 (Russian reactions 2006)

1: family (14.5%)

1: native (11.5%)

1: family + hearth (13.5% + 9.5% = 23%)

2: go back + the place you're going back to + want to go back (6.5% + 2% + 0.5% = 9%)

2: my + residential + public + private (4% + 2% + 1% + 1% = 8%)

2: heat (6.5%)

3: my house + residential house + dreams of your own house + unoccupied house + one house + detached house + parent's house (2% + 1.5% + 0.5% + 0.5% + 0.5% + 0.5% + 0.5% = 6%)

3: big + huge + multi-story (4% + 1% + 1% = 6%)

3: big + huge (5.5% + 0.5% = 6%)

4: calmness + peace of mind + bliss + relaxation (1.5% + 1.5% + 0.5% + 0.5% = 4%)

4: build + built + build ourselves + build + under construction (2% + 1% + 1% + 1% + 1% = 6%)

4: comfort + cozy (4.5% + 0.5% = 5%)

5: roof + thatched roof (3% + 0.5% = 3.5%)

5: in the village + village (3% + 2% = 5%)

5: apartment (4.5%)

6: heat (3.5%)

6: hut + hut + hut (2% + 1% + 1% = 4%)

6: fortress + my fortress (3.5% + 0.5% = 4%)

7: outside the home (2%)

7: kirpichny (3%)

7: native (3%)

8: live (2%)

8: roof (3%)

8: khata (3%)

9: garden (2%)

9: family (3%)

9: housing + housing + your own housing (1.5% + 0.5% + 0.5% = 2.5%)

10: wood (1.5%)

10: with mezzanine (3%)

10: cute + sweet home (1.5% + 0.5% = 2%)

11: white (2%)

11: my (2%)

12: beautiful (2%)

12: homeland (2%)

13: on the outskirts (2%)

13: home (1.5%)

14: heat (2%)

14: land (1.5%)

15: life + live (1% + 1% = 2%)

15: rest + peace + tranquility (0.5% + 0.5% + 0.5% = 1.5%)

16: empty + empty (1% + 1% = 2%)

16: pipe (1.5%)

First of all, attention is drawn to the connection of images of home and family. It is most relevant for the Japanese and representatives of the Russian sample at the beginning of the XXI century. In the early 1990s, Russians paid much less attention to family values due to the difficult situation in the country. At that time, questions about the ownership of a house and the possibilities of building a house were more important, which was reflected in the two most frequent groups of reactions that were included in the logical-conceptual component in the first Russian sample (items 2 and 4 of the legend).

For centuries, the archetypes of the Russian people, among which one of the main ones was the archetype of home as a place where people live safely, united by common goals and interests, experienced significant negative pressure first in the Soviet era, and then in the first years of the formation of a renewed Russia, when the population was trying to instill the values and ideals of Western culture new economic orders in the country. As a result of the forced mixing of two systems of values - traditional and imposed-in the language picture of the Russian world, both devalued. And only a few years later, sociologists came to the following conclusion:-

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To conclude: "Overcoming the economic lag behind the West is possible for Russia not by breaking and burning out the historically formed psychology of the people (including due to natural and geographical influence) with a hot iron (or poverty), but by using the established type of motivation in work - more complex and ideologized than in the West. By the way, the experience of Japan very clearly shows that preserving traditions does not prevent us from making a leap into a post-industrial society, of course, if the creators of reforms have a sense of common sense and respect for their own population "[Dynamics of values... 1996, p. 22]. By the beginning of the twenty-first century, Russians had once again turned to family values: it is not by chance that the reactions "family" and" hearth "became the most frequent to the stimulus "home".

Note the sememe "return"in the Japanese associative field. For Japanese people, the home is, on the one hand, the place where they return every day from school or work, but, on the other hand, the house represents the process of generational continuity: a person grows up in the house thanks to the work of parents, parents and older generations, and this person is obliged to ensure the further development of the family, so that his descendants could also return to their home again and again. At the same time, the house may be completely new. The main thing is the presence of a shelter that would not exist if it were not for the centuries-old work of previous generations.

Within the framework of the logical and conceptual component, attention is drawn to the desire of post-perestroika Russians to live in rural areas. The Russian people, which until the beginning of the twentieth century consisted mostly of peasants, did not lose their roots, their thirst for land, even despite all the experiments of the Soviet regime. This craving somewhat weakened by the beginning of the XXI century, but it still remains quite noticeable - it seems that it is not by chance that the earth reaction gained 1.5%. "The closer to the earth-nurse, the closer the son of the village and fields is pressed to her breast, the brighter these invaluable flowers of the heart bloom in his life. The blessing of God overshadows the labor feat of the farmer with invisible wings, " A. A. Korinfsky describes [Korinfsky, 1994, p. 17].

The increased emotional tension characteristic of Russians in the early 1990s can be clearly traced in reactions related to the body-perceptual component. Japanese dream of a house with a garden and trees adjacent to it; Russians of the beginning of the XXI century. they perceive the house as cozy. Only in the first Russian sample, there are practically no reactions of this kind, except for the single reactions "tree"and " comfort". The image of home comfort has a long history in the Russian language consciousness and is associated with the peculiarities of traditional life. As A.D. Shmelev notes, " along with the craving for a large open space, for spaciousness, in Russian culture there is also, although less pronounced, a love for small enclosed spaces, for comfort. By shutting out the "cold wind of space", a person hopes to find spiritual peace and quiet" [Shmelev, 2005, p. 113].

Japanese respondents consider it necessary to refer to their traditional architecture, highlighting the roof first of all from all parts of the house. "A Japanese house is, first of all, a roof supported on a frame of wooden rafters and supports; it is a roof built over a void. Here there are no windows or doors in our understanding, because in each room three walls out of four can be pulled apart at any time, or even removed altogether" (Ovchinnikov, 1971, p. 95). Industrialization and urbanization, which became widespread in Japan by the beginning of the XXI century, contributed to a change in the country's architectural style. A separate house with a garden is no longer so common. Nevertheless, the Japanese remain true to their centuries-old habits. "Japan is one of the countries with a very deep and strong cultural memory. At first glance, this is not obvious. The modern way of life of the Japanese, for example, is not so much different from that of any developed country in the West. Clothing, of course, is dominated by various variants of the average European standard. Dwelling quickly and steadily-

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but it takes on an international appearance, while the traditional organization of residential space is losing ground before our eyes." However, even the Japanese living in standard multi-storey buildings tend to equip at least one room in the Japanese style: cover it with tatami mats, put appropriate furniture and create a traditional tokonoma niche [Mayevsky, 2000, p. 96-97].

It is well known that the Japanese are used to appreciating and admiring nature. To this day, they try to reproduce elements of the natural landscape both inside their own home and in its immediate vicinity. The roots of this tradition go back to the distant past. A. N. Meshcheryakov writes about the domestication and miniaturization of wildlife within the dwellings of Japanese aristocrats who lived in the Heian period (IX-XII centuries). " So, the man of Heian was in the center of the artificial landscape world, attentively observing natural changes from his window. It is no wonder that the space covered by the Heian man's gaze at this time is decidedly narrowing. He even stopped noticing the stars, a much-needed component of the poetic world of all time. No poems were written about stars, and the astronomers of that time even forgot how to predict the time of a solar eclipse" [Meshcheryakov, 2007, pp. 356-357]. Of course, modern Japanese people notice stars, and astronomy in Japan is quite advanced. However, the habit of living within a limited space, surrounded by a natural environment, has persisted to this day. Partly for this reason, the problem of overpopulation that has emerged in Japan is not as acute as in a number of other densely populated countries.

All three groups of respondents associate the house with heat. Heat provides much-desired physiological comfort for humans. Naturally, it is for the opportunity to warm up that the inhabitants of the upper part of the northern hemisphere of the Earth appreciate the house, where almost all year round there is a lack of heat to one degree or another. Traditional Japanese architecture predestined such a mentality of the Japanese as an unrestrained search for heat. Sliding walls suggest not only harmony with nature, but also poor thermal insulation. Modern Japanese people are ready to sit for hours in hot springs (of which there are a huge number in the country) with a temperature of 40-50°C. In cold weather, they actively use heating devices, as well as simpler improvised means to keep warm, not only in winter, but also in relatively warm spring and autumn periods. Russians are driven into warm houses with thick walls by cold winds and traditionally low temperatures. In addition, while the Japanese house is conditionally open to the wild, the Russian house is fenced off from the "hostile" environment by reliable walls and windows. Thus, the peculiarities of Russian and Japanese life reveal a clear coincidence in terms of the desire for warmth, but the Japanese remain more thermophilic.

A.D. Shmelev, listing the characteristics that are imposed in Russian culture on a room so that it can be considered cozy, points out that the room should be warm and fenced off from the outside world, as well as small in size [Shmelev, 2005, p.114]. We cannot agree with the latter characteristic in any way. The data from our experiments indicate the desire of Russians to live in large houses: the corresponding reactions are part of the core of both associative fields. For a long time, Russians settled in large communities, houses were designed for a large number of people. Although modern living conditions force many to huddle in cramped conditions, dreams of a big house persist. Japanese people are used to living in small areas, so the size of the house is not very relevant for them.

Let's turn to the value-semantic component. Representatives of all three samples note that the house is a place where a person should "live". This is a completely natural reaction, indicating the universal need to live in a certain room that defines the personal space of a person or family. In the second rus-

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In our sample, the reaction "live" is a single one, so it is not included in the summary table, but we should pay attention to the reaction "dwelling", which, although it is included in the logical and conceptual component, echoes the reaction "live" and carries a considerable value and semantic charge.

Earlier, when considering the body-perceptual component, it was already mentioned about the connection of images of home, comfort and peace in Russian culture. Peace and tranquility are mentioned in the second Russian sample, which confirms the conclusion made. But even stronger is the connection between images of home and tranquility in the Japanese associative field. Japanese respondents perceive the home as a place to relax and take a break from the stressful day's work, and Japanese people usually work tirelessly.

The Russians of the post-perestroika period, apparently, were not in the mood for rest and peace. The collapse of the country and the destruction of the usual way of life led to the need to reconsider self-identification. The question of national identity has become acute. In this regard, the appeal to the small motherland became the most relevant. Hence the "native" reaction, which has become the most frequent. After 15 years, the Russians were relatively calm. The final understanding that there is a "small homeland"has come. The idea of a new "big homeland"was also formed. This is no longer the USSR, but the Russian Federation. For this reason, the specific weight of the "native" reaction has decreased, while the "native" reaction has increased. Russians ' confidence in the inviolability of their homes has also increased, and therefore the "fortress" reaction has gained quite high percentages as an allusion to the well - known saying "my house is my fortress".

As for the emotional and affective component, the representatives of all three samples showed complete unanimity: the image of the house does not evoke any special emotions in either Russians or Japanese, which, however, does not detract from the value of this image.

Thus, the convergence of elements of Japanese and Russian consciousness in connection with the image of the home became possible due to the fact that by the beginning of the XXI century, Russians realized the importance of family values that guarantee the safety of the home. Thus, their opinion began to largely echo the position of the Japanese, who perceive the house as a bulwark of family relations. In addition, it is the Japanese and Russians of the early twenty-first century who see the house as a place where you can find protection and peace (cf. the Japanese reaction "a place to return to" and the Russian "fortress"). In the early 1990s, Russians needed to reevaluate their position on self-identification, and therefore family problems faded into the background, and the problem of attitude to their native country became of paramount importance. In general, the Japanese and Russians of the beginning of the XXI century are more comfortable and comfortable in the house than the Russians who lived during the collapse of the USSR and the formation of the Russian Federation.

However, there is also a factor that brings the first Russian sample closer to the Japanese one: the representatives of these two samples value nature as the natural environment of the house to a greater extent than the representatives of the second Russian sample. Regardless of these differences, both Russians of both time periods and Japanese perceive the house as a place of human residence that provides warmth and comfort.

Thus, the conducted comparative analysis proves that the perception of money by Russians and Japanese as the personification of movable property does not show a serious convergence, while in relation to real estate, considered on the example of the word "house", there are obvious signs of convergence of ideological positions. The author hopes that the research conducted in this article sheds some light on the reasons for this transformation.

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Glaveva D. G. Traditional Japanese Culture: specificity of World perception, Moscow, 2003.
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