A qualitatively different attitude to the transmission of individual traits of individuals and kings is of fundamental importance for understanding the foundations of ancient Egyptian depiction and its relationship with ideology. Private sculpture is essentially indifferent to individuality - as a rule, a person is depicted quite conditionally, while individualization is achieved by writing a name. Age is also usually not transmitted, and even an old and sick person is portrayed as healthy and strong. This state of affairs is undoubtedly connected with the idea of Ka (2). It should be recognized that in Egypt there are no images of people at all, the same things that we perceive as such are in fact their Counterparts-Ka (3). Accordingly, the image is transmitted not of a person, but of his Ka, an important characteristic of which is that of a human being. it is his eternal youth (4).

Genuine portraits are extremely rare and exist only in pairs with conventional images, so the general rule is not violated (5). The characteristic feature of these portraits is that they naturalistically convey both facial features and individual body features, but never any one of these two components of the human appearance.

On the contrary, the king is always shown with an individual face (how it is stylized is a completely different question) and at the same time always with an ideal figure (6). I really want to see in this a pictorial expression of the dual - at the same time divine and human - nature of the Egyptian king. As a deity, he is undoubtedly perfect and can not have physical defects, which is reflected in the ideal bodies of royal statues, but he lives in human form, and this forces individualization of faces.

An excellent starting point for the study of this problem is the peculiar group of statues of the Old and New Kingdoms, depicting the king with a falcon sitting behind his head, or the king dressed in the so-called falcon dress (Falkenkleid) (7).

The most famous among them is the diorite statue of Khafre in the Cairo Museum, where the king's head is covered with wings by a falcon (Fig. I) (8). Part of the statue is of the same type

1. This work is a slightly revised and supplemented translation of the article: Bolshakov A. O. Royal Portrait and "Horus Name" / / L'art de 1'Ancien Empire egyptien. P., 1999. P. 311-332, in turn based on the text of the report read at the III Conference on the art of the Old Kingdom in April 1998 in the Louvre. See also Bolshakov A. O. Drevneegipetskiy tsarskiy portret i "khorovo imeni" [The Ancient Egyptian Royal Portrait and the "Choral Name"], in Ermitazhnye chteniya pamyati B. B. Piotrovsky, Tez. dokl. SPb, 1997, pp. 15-19.

2. Bolshakov А.О. Man and his Double in Egyptian Ideology of the Old Kingdom. Wiesbaden, 1997. P. 254-260.

3. Ibid. P. 215.

4. Ibid. P. 292-295.

5. In cases where only individualized statues have been preserved (Hemiunu, Ankhkhaf), the circumstances of their discovery indicate the existence of conditional statues paired with them (ibid., p. 236-237). The only case where a portrait exists without a conditional pair - Rakhotep-is easily explained (ibid., p. 259).

6. The interpretation of the body in pre-Amarna, Amarna and post-Amarna sculpture is only an episode against the background of general trends in Egyptian art.

7. See a brief review: Wildung D. Falkenkleid / / LA II. 1997. S. 97-99. In this article, these statues will be referred to as falcons; this term, however, does not apply to compositions depicting a large falcon with the king in front of it.

8. CG 14, Borchardt L. Statuen und Statuetten von Konigen und Privatleuten, Bd L. V., 1911. Bl. 4; PM III2. P. 22. Since most of the monuments under consideration are well known and have been repeatedly published, only a selective bibliography is given.

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There is a small fragment of the alabaster head of the tsar with a falcon wing crossing it (now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston) (Fig. 2) (9). It was found at Giza, near the pyramidal temple of Cheops (10), so that the statue can be attributed to this king (11), but in the absence of any reliable information, it can be attributed to another statue of Chephren. In any case, dating back to the fourth Dynasty is preferable. Relatively recently, this group of statues was supplemented by a monument of the highest quality - the statue of Neferefr, found by a Czechoslovak expedition in Abusir (Fig.

These statues are usually understood as symbolizing the protection of the king by the heavenly falcon god Horus, who was associated with the ruler of Egypt in the deepest antiquity, but the problem is much more complex and serious, and the combination of images of the king and the falcon is the most obvious manifestation of the dualism of the king's nature.

However, pictorial monuments taken by themselves do not allow us to unambiguously confirm this assumption, and therefore we must turn to information of a different kind. To solve the problem, we are led by the specifics of the so - called "chorov name" - the oldest of the five names included in the royal titulature.

The "choral name" as it is written on monuments since the end of the pre-dynastic period is structurally divided into three parts. Images of the palace and the Horus falcon sitting on it form the so - called serekh-a frame in which the actual name is placed (13). At an early stage of development, various combinations of these elements are possible, such as a falcon and a name without a palace (14), a palace and a name without a falcon (15), a name without a falcon and without a palace (16), a name without a palace and with a star (the sign of the divine) replacing the falcon (17), not to mention not to mention the replacement of the falcon with the sign of Set, and then their brief co-existence at the end of the Second Dynasty. However, successful attempts to combine these components into a single whole are known already at the end of the so-called zero dynasty. The following interpretation of the meaning of the" choral name " is based mainly on its structure.

Traditionally, it is assumed that it refers to the king as Hora (18), i.e. describes the divine nature of the king, but this statement is erroneous in its very essence and character.

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Figure 1

Figure 2

Figure 3

Figure 1. Drawing of the head of the statue of Chephren by Borchardt. Statuen... I. Bl. 4. CG 14

2. Fragment of the king's head, reconstruction according to Simpson. Giza Mastabas. Fig. 43. MFA 27.1466

3. Drawing of the head of the Neferefr statuette by Saleh Sourouzian. The Egyptian Museum Cairo... Cat. N 38.JE 98171

it can be repeated incessantly only because we are too lenient with inaccurate wording. Indeed, the Choir is unique and eternal, and if it were a question of designating the king as a Choir, it could be called a Choir at most, nothing more. It would be just a title, the same for all kings, but by no means a name. A different understanding is preferable.

The fact is that at least six of the oldest known "choral names" (late pre-dynastic and early I dynasty) are written with the same sign in addition to the falcon and the palace:

This rule is no longer valid-

19. Quibell. Hierakonpolis I. PI. 26.

20. Kaplony P. Die Inschriften der agyptischer Friihzeit. Bd III. Wiesbaden, 1964. S. 147 (848).

21. Petrie W. M. F. The Royal Tombs of the Earliest Dynasties. V. II. L., 1901. PI. 13, 91. On the sign mr, which was often placed in the serekh of this king and gave rise to the reading of the name Hora Soma as "Narmer", see History of the Ancient East. Vol. 1. Part 2. M? 1988. Pp. 300-302 (Perepelkin Yu. Ya. Ancient Egypt).

22. Petrie. The Royal Tombs... II. PI. 14, 99.

23. Ibid. PI. 15, 107.

24. Petrie. The Roval Tombs of the Earliest Dynasties. V. I. L.. 1900. PI. 18. 7. Perhaps Horus Krokodil should be added to the top of this list, see Dreyer G. Horus Krokodil, ein Gegenkonig der Dynastie 0 // The Followers of Horus. Studies Dedicated to Michael Alien Hoffman. Oxf., 1992. Abb. 1-2. Inscriptions from the recent German excavations at Abydos, according to preliminary reports, mentioning new pre-dynastic royal names, have not yet been published properly and cannot be taken into account here. A late-dynastic name preserved on two graffiti paintings in the Western Desert (Winkler ON. Rock-drawings of Southern Upper Egypt. V. I. L., 1938. PI. 11, 2, 3; Wilkinson T.A.H. A New King in the Western Desert // JEA. 1995. 81. Fig. 1) contradicts this rule, but its reading remains questionable, the monuments of its bearer unknown, and its place in history uncertain. Does he even belong to the number of Scorpio's ancestors who shared the same ideology? Only the discovery of his name in Hierakonpol, Abydos, or anywhere else in the valley will answer these questions, and any speculation at this stage will be groundless. As for the mysterious (Petrie. The Royal Tombs... I. PI. 13, 96), serious doubts were expressed about the understanding of this combination of signs as

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This can only be seen from the middle of the First Dynasty, when "choral names" are transformed into phrases expressed in writing with several characters, for example, etc. It seems that in the case of the first kings of Egypt, we are not dealing with proper names in the usual sense of the word. Consisting of a single sign, they are much more like emblems, heraldic symbols, so to speak, "coats of arms" of rulers (28). This is not as strange as it may seem at first glance. When a person's name is pronounced or read, an image of them appears in our minds (which is a function of the name), but information that allows us to distinguish this person from many people can be encoded in other ways. For example, in medieval Europe, any not quite seedy nobleman was able to "read" the coat of arms and identify its bearer [29], and the encoding itself was obviously not focused on fixing the sound [30].

In this case, the relationship between the Choir and the king, reflected in the "choral name", is diametrically opposed to the traditional understanding and is aimed at resolving the most important contradiction for the entire Egyptian ideology between the king's mortality as an earthly being and his immortality as a god. If, like "chorus name": Kaplony. Die Inschriftcn... II. 1092; Barta W. Zur Namenfonn und Zeitlichen Einordnuhg des Konigs Ro // GM. 1982. 53. S. 11-13; Wilkinson T.A.H. The Identification of Tomb Bl at Abydos: Refuting the Existence of a king *Ro/*Iry-Hor // JEA. 1993. 79. P. 241-243. Ср. также Kaiser W., Dreyer'G. Umm el-Qaab. Nachuntersuchungen im fruhzeitlichen Konigsfriedhof. 2. Vorbericht / / MDAIK. 1982. 38. Abb. 14: this combination never stands in a serech, although both earlier and later names may be enclosed in it. Most likely, this is not a royal name at all.

25. Petrie. The Royal Tombs... II. PI. 18, 136.

The reign was a time of major changes in the tsarist ideology. Under him, the title n(j) was introduced-sw.t-bj.tj and, probably, the process that led to the appearance of the "golden name" began (see Beckerath von. Konigsnamen... S. 23). Its composite "choral name" may be a manifestation of the same processes. If he really was the son of Queen Meretneith and she really was the regent in his childhood years (Heick W. Meret-Neith / / LA IV. S. 93; cf. Roth S. Konigin, Regentin oder weiblicher Konig? Zum Verhaltnis von Konigsideologie und 'female sovereignty' in Friihzeit // Selbstverstandnis und R'ealitat. Wiesbaden, 1997. S. 90-124), numerous innovations may be the result of some weakening of old traditions during her anomalous reign.

26. Petrie. The Royal Tombs... I. PI. 26, 61.

27. Ibid. PI. 28, 77.

28. This interpretation was proposed simultaneously and independently by the author and A. G. Sushchevsky; the latter's concept remains unpublished.

This interpretation is supported by the fact that the scorpion on the Scorpion mace is depicted not as a real insect, but with a vertical support at the bottom, i.e. as the pommel of a standard:

29. Hence the English cognizance (from Old French cogn renaissance) - "coat of arms". The Egyptian srh, the substantive causative of rh - "to know", lit. "that which gives to know > to know", is an exact analogy to the English cognizance. This is, of course, pure coincidence, but it is a highly revealing coincidence that demonstrates the universality of human perception.

30. It follows that the attempts of Egyptologists to read the early "choral names" are obviously incorrect-the Egyptians themselves did not read them, but perceived the image. Of course, then they were somehow voiced, but in any case, the image was primary, and the sound was secondary (this is exactly what our approach to the study of pictography should be, which, despite all its evidence, is still not used properly in relation to Egyptian hieroglyphics). Therefore, when we are forced to call the king Scorpio because of ignorance of the word conveyed by the sign, this is much closer to the Egyptian reality than attempts to read the name of one of his followers as Jet, Uaji, etc., based on the phonetic meaning of the sign

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Figure 4. Drawing of the snake stele by Encyclopedic photographique... Louvre. PI. 4. Louvre E. 11007

Figure 5. Drawing of the head of the statue of Pe-i by Daumas. Le trone... PI. 2. Brooklyn 39.120

it has already been said that the Chorus is one and eternal, while kings succeed each other, so the Chorus is embodied on earth in different beings, and the "choral name" does not describe the king as a Chorus (that the king is a Chorus was a platitude and did not require special confirmation), but the Choir as a king,the Choir in the king, that is, it is his momentary (from the point of view of eternity) earthly name. In one reign, the Chorus appears in the Scorpion, in another in the Catfish, in a third in the Serpent, etc. (31) Why these particular creatures were chosen for the royal emblems is difficult to say, especially since there are also "names" that have nothing to do with animals - Fighter, Raked and Grabbed (32), - however, all the early emblems are somehow connected with aggressiveness, which is quite natural at the stage of forced unification of the country.

We can now go back to the statues of Chephren (Fig. 1) and Neferefr (Fig. 3) and compare them at least with the Louvre Serpent stele from Abydos (Fig. 4) (33), a classic early dynastic monument where the "choral name" first finds perfection of pictorial expression. The structural similarity is striking. In the sculpture, the falcon "holding" the king's head shows us his face, the main component of his personality, i.e. it shows how the Choir looks on earth at a given time. On serekh, the falcon is located above the king's emblem, which represents the modern earth form of the Choir - the snake-just as in sculpture it is associated with the ruler's face. Thus, the falcon statue and the "choral name" are essentially identical, they express the same idea, although the images used seem to be different.

This interpretation can be confirmed by two or three monuments of the Old Kingdom. The first of these is the famous alabaster statue of Pepi I in the Brooklyn Museum (Fig. 5) (34). The king in a Chebsed cloak and White crown sits on the top of the statue.

31. Because of this, each "choral name" must be unique - the Chorus always manifests in a new being (of course, this is only true for a very early time). If this is indeed the case, there is a strong argument against the new theory that declares the existence of two Scorpions, I and II (see, for example, Gundlach R. Der Pharao und sein Staat. Darmstadt, 1998. S. 85, 110).

32. In interpreting these names, the author is closer to Barta (Barta. Untersuchungen ... S. 52) than to Kaplony (Kaplony P. Sechs Konigsnamen der 1. Dynastie in neuer Deutung // OrSu. 1958. 7. P. 54-69).

33. Louvre E.I 1007, Encyclopedic photographique de 1'art. Les antiquites egyptiennes du Musee du Louvre. P., 1935. PI. 4; Ziegler Ch. The Louvre. Egyptian Antiquities. P., 1990. P. 19; PM V. P. 82-83.

34. Brooklyn 39.120, Daumas F. Le trone d'une statuette de Pepi I" trouve Dendera // BIFAO. 1953. 52. PI. 2; Vandier J. Manuel d'archeologie 6gyptienne. T. III. P., 1958. P. 37. PI. 7, /; Fazzini R. Images for Eternity. Egyptian Art from Berkeley and Brooklyn. S. 1. 1975. Fig. 9.

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Figure 6. Drawing of the headless statue of Chephren by Fischer. Egyptian Studies II... Fig. 31. CG 9

7. Drawing of a fragment of the statue of Pepi I from Dendera by Daumas. Le trone... PI. 2

the throne, on the back plane of which is his serekh, rendered in relief, and the sculptural falcon is located on the back of the throne at the level of the king's head and is both an element of the "choral name" and a sculptural composition, which is highly typical of the principles of building Egyptian monuments. Less well-known is the headless Cairo statue of Khafre (Fig. b) (35), made in the same material and having approximately the same dimensions as CG 14 (Fig. 1), and also belonging to the sculptural design of his temple. A fragment of the statue of Pepi I with a similar arrangement of serech found in Dendera (Fig. 7) [36] may be another example of this type of sculpture [37], although the degree of damage makes any definite conclusions impossible [38]. Thus, whether we take into account two or three statues that differ from Chephren CG 14 (Figure 1) and Abusir Neferefr only in the fact that the falcon is forced to turn sideways on them, they are an undoubted and important link between the early royal stelae and later royal sculpture.

The next stage of abstraction in expressing the same idea is probably a fragment of an alabaster statuette preserved at University College London (Figure 8) [39], acquired by Petrie in Giza under unknown circumstances and published by him as an image of Mykerinus [40]. Here the figure of a falcon is absent, but the royal headscarf is feathered and smoothly develops into a stylized image of a bird covering the king's shoulders with its wings. Unfortunately, the dating of the statue is questionable and its authenticity is questionable.

35. CG 9, Borchardt. Statuen... I. Bl. 3; Fischer H.G. Egyptian Studies II. The Orientation of Hieroglyphs I. Reversals. N.Y? 1977. Fig. 31.

36.Daumas. Le tr6ne... PI. 2.

37. Ibid. P. 164-165.

38. At least Fischer (Egyptian Studies II... p. 30. Not.81) doubted this, because, firstly, the composition of the inscription differs from the Brooklyn statuette and, secondly, the orientation of the signs contradicts his understanding of the laws of writing direction. Although these arguments are quite strong, they are still not conclusive, and therefore we cannot neglect the Dendera statue in the present study.

39. UCL 16020, Krieger P. Une statuette de roi-faucon au Musee du Louvre // RdE. 1960. 12. Fig. 20, h; Page A. Egyptian Sculpture from the Petrie Collection. Warminster, 1976. P. 103. Cat. N 113; PM III2. P. 35.

40. Petrie W.M.F. A Portrait of Menkaura // AE. 1923. Fig. on p. 1. PI. facing p. 1; idem. A History of Egypt. 1 ed. L., 1894. Fig. 36; 2 ed. L., 1923. Fig. 48.

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Figure 8

Figure 9

Figure 8. Inaccurate rendering of a fragment of the statue (published as Mikerin's image) based on unsatisfactory Petrie photos. A Portrait of Menkaura. Fig. on p. 1; idem. A History... 1 ed. Fig. 36; 2 ed. Fig. 48; Krieger. Une statuette... Fig. 20 b; Page. Egyptian Sculpture... 103. Cat. N 113. UCL 16020

Figure 9. Drawing of the golden lining of the falcon's head by Quibell, Green. Hierakonpolis II. PI. 47. CG 14717

It has been repeatedly questioned (41), but even if Petrie's attribution is incorrect, it cannot seriously affect our analysis. If the London statue is authentic, it is an important link between the monuments of the Old and New Kingdoms, but the development of typology is obvious even without it.

We should also not lose sight of the famous sculptural composition found in a cache in the central room of the Hierakonpol temple and consisting of wooden figures of the king and the falcon (Fig. 9) (42), covered with a gold leaf, from which only the golden lining of the falcon's head has been preserved. Conceptually, it may be adjacent to the group discussed above, although similar compositions of the New Kingdom undoubtedly have a different meaning (see below). Therefore, it is reasonable to consider a less unambiguously interpreted Old Egyptian monument together with them.

There are no falcon statues in the Middle Kingdom (43). Perhaps the reason lies in the change in the tsarist ideology. As far as we know, falcon statues appear

41. Reisner G.A. Mycerinus. Cambr. (Mass.), 1931. P. 124. Not. 4. See also PM III2. P. 35; Page. Egyptian Sculpture... P. 103. However, the objections are based mainly on the uniqueness of the monument, and not on the analysis of facts. For example, the absence of the uraeus, which was considered by Reisner, Petrie's main opponent on this issue, as an argument against the authenticity of the statue, in fact, is not so: the uraeus is not on the forehead of Chephren CG 14-perhaps because the mere presence of the falcon was enough to show the divinity of the king. Petrie was also very good at dealing with the locals, and it would have been difficult to sell him an obvious fake. On the other hand, it must be admitted that Petrie, the greatest archaeologist of his time, was not a connoisseur of Egyptian art and could hardly recognize the fake by its stylistic features (it may very well be that the unusual nature of the statuette was the reason for its acquisition). Working with the original statue, which I was able to do in 1999, thanks to the kindness of S. Kwerk, did not dispel my doubts - this is an extremely strange monument, and it should be the subject of careful study by art historians, who have not paid attention to it until now. Finally, the possibility of a later dating of the statue cannot be ruled out. Among the similar monuments of the New Kingdom, it will lose its uniqueness and thus the main argument against its authenticity will disappear.

42. CG 14717, Quibell J.F? Green F.W. Hierakonpolis II. L., 1902. PL 47; PM V. P. 191, 193.

43. The only exception to this rule seems to be the colossus CG 430, attributed to Senusert II (usurped by Ramesses II), with two serechs on the rear pillar, where the figures of falcons are rendered in very high relief; see Evers H. G. Staat aus dem Stein. Mlinchen, 1929. Taf. 68 (I am grateful to K. Leben, who drew my attention to this monument). However, this statue is different from CG 9 and Brooklyn Pepi I: small in comparison with the king's head and located below the level of his shoulders, the falcons are elements of inscriptions, not a sculptural composition. The statue of Bruxelles E. 5188, which is sometimes attributed to this time, will be considered below as a monument of the New Kingdom.

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under Chephren (44), when the concept of Horus was still the main explanation of the nature of the king, and the concept of the son of the Sun, put forward under Chephren's predecessor Djedefr, was a novelty. In addition, much can be attributed to the personal relationship between the two kings, although there is still a lot of work to be done. At one time, Reisner proposed a reconstruction of the dynastic and ideological struggle between the two branches of the Cheops family, dating back to Djedefra and Chephren, which allegedly led to the posthumous persecution of the former (45). Despite all its colorful nature, and perhaps because of it, this theory has been very doubtful for a long time, and now one of its most important elements must be recognized as erroneous. First, the discovery of a mortgage deposit made of ceramic vessels in the pripyramid temple in Abu Roash indicates that the cult continued there at least until the beginning of the Fifth Dynasty (46); secondly, the Hermitage altar of 18106 provides information about the cult of Djedefr even later-in the middle of the sixth dynasty (47).

Thus, Djedefra's damnatio memoriae in the spirit of Reisner can no longer be considered seriously [48], but this does not refute the existence of two lines in the genus Cheops, and some implicit tension between them is indubitable [49]. Probably, the royal cult was too important for the state as a whole and as a state institution could not be stopped, but at a lower, personal level, representatives of the two lines could not tolerate each other. Therefore, when developing a program of sculptural decoration of his temple, Khafren, if he really was at enmity with his brother, could easily focus on statues that express the ancient ideology.

Since the rulers of the Middle Kingdom did not belong to an ancient royal family, in order to maintain their divinity, they emphasized the solar theory, which is well adapted to justify the accession of those who did not have the right to do so by blood (hence the main theme of the Westcar papyrus, whether we consider it as "official propaganda" or as a work of non-royal literature). In this situation, the falcon statues turned out to be of little interest, if not useless.

The situation changed radically in the New Kingdom, when the tsarist ideology turned to the ancient heritage to solve a new crisis of justification of power, as a result of which falcon statues were revived and even became more numerous than in the third millennium BC (50).

In the New Kingdom, both traditions are present, originating in the Old Kingdom. The first one, dating back to Chephren CG 14 (Fig. 1), is represented by three sculptures. The Viennese statue of Seti I (fig. 10) (51) is the most perfect in artistic terms and

44. Fragments of Djedefre's statues in the Louvre do not allow us to present the program of his temple, but none of them can be identified as part of the falcon statue; see Ziegler Ch. Musee du Louvre. Departement des Antiquites 6gyptiennes. Les statues egyptiennes de 1'Ancien Empire. P., 1997. Cat. N 1-13. A detailed study of new fragments recently discovered in Abu Roash (now at the French Institute in Cairo, see Baud M. La Statuaire de Rededef// L'art de 1'Ancien Empire egyptien. P., 1999. p. 35-75) may change the situation, but without doubting the incompleteness of our knowledge, we are forced to base our research on the following issues: The study is based on the assumption that the history of falcon statues begins with Chephren. For the relief of Cheops wearing a falcon headdress, see below, note 68.

45. Reisner. Mycerinus. P. 239-254.

46. Marchand S., Baud М. La ceramique miniature d'Abou Rawash. Un depot a 1'enree es enclos orientaux // BIFAO. 1996. 96. P. 281-284.

47. Bolshakov A. O. Egyptian altars of the Old Kingdom from the State Hermitage Collection / / EV. 1988.24. pp. 13-14, 17-18. Fig. 2.

48. See also Dobrev V. A propos d'une statue fragmentaire du roi Menkaoure trouvee a Abou Rawash // Etudes sur 1'Ancien Empire et la necropole de Saqqara dediees a Jean-Philippe Lauer. T. I. Montpellier, 1997. P. 158-161.

49. See, for example, the rock graffiti in Wadi el-Fawahir, which, along with the well-known kings of the fourth Dynasty, also mentions several names that are not recorded by other sources: Drioton E. Une liste de roi de la \V6 dynastie dans 1'Ouadi Hammamat // BSFE. 1954. 16. P. 41-449.

50. See Wildung. Falkenldeid. S. 97-99.

51. AS 5910, Rogge E. Statuen des Neuen Reiches und der Dritten Zwischenzeit. CAA Kunsthistorisches Museum

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Figure 10

Figure 11

Figure 10.Drawing a fragment of the statue of Network I by Rogge. Statuen des Neuen Reiches...72.Wien.AS 5910

11. Inaccurate drawing of the head of the statue of Thutmose III by Borchardt. Statuen... III. Bl. 137; Vandersleyen. Das alte Agypten... Abb. 177. CG 743

at the same time, it is closest to the old Egyptian samples. The falcon, which encircles the king's head, sits on an obelisk-shaped pillar bearing an inscription on its back surface that includes "choral name". However, a flat image of a falcon is placed on the serekh here, and a three-dimensional bird is not included in the "choral name"; moreover, they are even separated from each other by a pictorial composition located above the serekh (52). This is quite natural, since in comparison with the Old Kingdom, when ideography dominated hieroglyphics, in the New Kingdom the boundary between writing and image has become much more defined.

Two other statues of the same type are located in Cairo. One of them, belonging to Thutmose III (Fig. 11) (53), is quite traditional, while the other, depicting Ramesses VI (54) with a lion trampling on a defeated Libyan (Fig. 12) (55), finds no analogies among the falcon statues (56). In the latter case, the figure of the falcon is rather clumsy: since the support post is very high, the bird sitting on it lowers its wings in the most unnatural way. However, despite these minor drawbacks, the Vienna and Cairo statues generally follow the old Egyptian tradition, and their meaning should be the same as in ancient times.

The tradition of the London statuette (Figure 8) (if it is authentic) is continued in the New Kingdom by several monuments. The most important of these is the Louvre fragment of yash-

Wien. Lief. VI. Mainz, 1990. S. 70-73; Seipel W. Gott, Mensch, Pharao. Viertausend Jahre Menschenbild in der Skulptur des alten Agypten. Wien, 1992. Kat. N 106.

52. Ibid. N 68.

53. CG 743, Borchardt. Statuen... III. Bl. 137; Vandersleyen Cl. Das alte Agypten. Propylaen Kunstgeschichte. Bd 15. V., 1975. Abb. 177. For attribution, see Seidel M., Wildung D. in Vandersleyen. Das Alte Agypten ... S. 245 (v. Vandier. Manuel... III. P. 392).

54. Or usurped by him, see Vandier. Manuel... III. P. 404.

55. CG 42152, Legrain G. Statues et statuettes des rois et des particuliers. T. II. Lt Caire, 1909. PI. 15; Capart J. L'art egyptien. T. II. Bruxelles, 1942. PI. 373; Vandier. Manuel... III. PI. 132, 1,3; Vandersleyen. Das alte Agypten... Abb.207b.

56. This is a strange and contradictory combination of the falcon statue with Ramessid sculptures depicting the king's triumph over the Libyans, cf. Turin 1392, Seipel. Gott, Mensch, Pharao... Kat. 114. Such practical (though mythologically interpreted) activities of the tsar as waging war contradict his universal significance as a Choir and reflect mainly the new spirit of the country, which is losing its strength and dreaming of its former greatness. The very possibility of such a combination proves that the original idea no longer existed in its original purity, and indeed, this is the latest of the statues showing a falcon encircling the king's head.

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Figure 12

Figure 13

12. Drawing of the head of the statue of Ramesses VI by Legrain. Statues... II. PI. 15. CG 42152

13. Drawing of a jasper figurine iconographically attributed to Thutmose III by Goebs. Untersuchungen... Taf. 4. Louvre E. 5351

an iconographic image of the statue attributed to Thutmose III (Fig. 13) (57). The king is depicted as a half-human, half-icebreaker with wings folded at the sides. Unlike the London "Mikerin", the interpretation of the bird component is more general, the feathers are not transmitted, but there is no doubt that here the head plate passes into the wings.

Closer to the old Egyptian prototype is a recently published fragment of the statue of Thutmose III in the Cairo Museum (Figure 14) (58). The wings are not shown, but detailed feathers cover the back, shoulders, neck, and possibly the back of the lost head. The Brooklyn head of Thutmose III (Fig. 15) (59) could have belonged to the same statue; at least the plumage starts from the top of the head and is interpreted as part of the headpiece.

All the statues considered, both of the Old and New Kingdoms, convey the nature of the king in the Egyptian view in the most naturalistic way (as far as this word is applicable to a fantastic situation): the king is a creature that combines human and divine properties. The choir is present in the tsar, which is expressed by a combination of images of a man and a bird. However, this "mythical reality" had to be constantly created and confirmed through rituals. The third, completely new group of statues reflects this aspect of the life of the ruler of Egypt. An excellent example is the late faience statuette of the unknown tsar in Leiden (fig. The king's shoulders and back are covered here with a feathered cloak that turns into a bird's tail. Since the smell of the cloak is visible, and the realistic headscarf does not merge with the feathers, there is no doubt that we are dealing with some kind of ritual clothing.

The plumage and plat were also transmitted separately in the CO 747 fragment (Fig. The pigtail tucked under the feathers indicates that the cloak is also depicted here. Moreover, its function is also obvious. The crease on the shoulders proves that this is a cheb-gray garment, as in the case of the Brooklyn statue of Pepi I (Fig. 5), this time feathered.

57. E. 5351, Krieger. Une statuette... PI. 3-t; Ziegler.The. Louvre... P. 46; Seipel. Gott, Mensch, Pharao... Kat. N 87; Goebs K. Untersuchungen zu Funktion und Symbolgestalt des nms // Z AS. 1995. 122. Taf. 3-4; Berman L.M., Letellier B. Treasures of Egyptian Art from the Louvre. S. ]., 1996. Cat. N 10.

58. CG 42081, Bryan B.M. The Reign ofThutmose IV. Baltimore - London, 1991. Fig. 27-28.

59. Brooklyn 55.118, Cooney J.D. Five Years of Collecting Egyptian Art. Brooklyn, 1956. PI. 14-15.

60. Leiden F. 1937/6.9, Wijngaarden W.D. van. Een Egyptisch koningsbeeldje van blauwe fayence // OMRO. 1938. 19. Afb. 1-4; Brunner H. Nochmals ein Konig im Falkenkleid // ZAS. 1962. 87. Taf. 6.

61. Borchardt. Statuen... III. S. 72.

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Figure 14

Figure 15

Figure 16

14. Drawing of a fragment of the statue of Thutmose III no Bryan. The Reign... Fig. 28. CG 42081

15. Drawing of the head of the statue of Thutmose III by Cooney. Five Years... PI. 15. Brooklyn 55.118

Figure 16. Drawing of a fragment of the statue of the unknown king by Wijngaarden van. Een Egyptisch... Afb. 3; Brunner. Nochmals... Taf. 6. Leiden, Rijksmuseum van Oudheden F 1937/6.9

The statue in the temple of Thutmose III in Qurna belongs to the same group (Figure 18) (62). Over the traditional clothing, the king wears a cloak that imitates the wings and tail of a bird; unfortunately, the upper part of the statue has been lost and therefore it is impossible to say what the headdress looked like (63).

With the falcon can be identified not only the cloak, but also the headdress of the king. On its occipital part there may be a decoration (probably gold) in the form of a falcon with outstretched wings. The earliest evidence for the existence of this kind of headdress decoration is a fragment of a relief from the pyramidal temple of Cheops (Fig. 19), depicting it in a Hebraic context (64). However, as far as can be judged from the preserved monuments, decoration in the form of a falcon was not very frequent in the Old Kingdom and was widely distributed only in the New Kingdom (65). Most likely, its function is close to that of a feathered cloak.

In the New Kingdom (66) and especially in the Late Period (67), compositions are common that probably go back to the Hierakonpol group (Figure 9) and consist of a large figure of a falcon and a much smaller figure of a king standing in front of it, facing forward, but they are far from the subject of this study. Indeed, along with them we know similar statues depicting the king with other zoomorphic animals.

62. Weigall A.E.P. A Report on the Excavation of the Funeral Temple of Thoutmosis II at Gumeh // ASAE. 1906. 7. P. 136. Fig. 9.

63. However, compare the relief depicting Thutmosis III in exactly the same cloak and double crown; Letellier B. La cour a peristyle de Thutmosis IV a Kamak / / BSFE. 1979. 84. Fig. 4.

64. Lauer J.-Ph. Note complementaire sur Ie temple funeraire de Kheops // ASAE. 1949. 49. PI. 2; Reisner G.A.. Smith W.S. A History of the Giza Necropolis. V. II. The Tomb of Hetepheres, the Mother of Cheops. A Study of Egyptian Civilization of the Old Kingdom. Cambr. (Mass.), 1955. Fig. 6, a; Hassan S. Excavations as Giza. V. X. Cairo, 1960. PI. 6, b.

65. См. список: Brunner-Traut E. Ein Konigskopf der Spatzeit mit dem 'Blauen Helm' // ZAS. 1971. 97 S 21-22.

66. For example, JE 64735; Montet P. Les fouilles de Tanis en 1993 et 1943 // Kemi. 1935-1937. 5. PI. 10-11;

Vandier. Manuel... IIL PI. 133,2.

67. For example, MMA 34.2.1; Winlock H. E. Recent Purchases of Egyptian Sculpture / / BMMA. 1934. 29. Fig. 2.

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Figure 17

Figure 18

Figure 19

Figure 17. Drawing of the CG 747 fragment by Borchardt. Statuen... III. 72

18. Drawing of a fragment of a statue from Kurna by Weigall. A Report... P. 136. Fig. 9

19.Drawing a fragment of the Cheops relief by Lauer. Note... PI. 2

(cows (68), sheep (69), baboons (70), snakes (71), etc.) and anthropomorphic (Amon (72)) deities. Since the king is not an Amon (much less a Hathor or Meretseger), we are not dealing here with a depiction of his nature, but, as is traditionally understood, with an illustration of his protection by the corresponding gods (73). The meaning of the Hierakonpol group could be the same (74).

68. For example, JE 38574; Capart. L'art... II. PI. 316-317; Vandier. Manuel... III. PI. 102, 4\ Encyclopedic photographique de 1'art. Le Musee du Caire. P., 1949. PI. 86; CG 784; Borchardt. Statuen... III. Bl. 144; Capart. L'art... II. PI. 388; Encyclopedic photographique... Caire. PI. 174-175.

69. For example, Berlin 7262; Capart. L'art... II. PI. 320-321; Vandier. Manuel... III. PI. 107, /.

70. For example, Wien AS 5782; Vandier. Manuel... III. PI. 130, 4; JaroS-Deckert В. Statuen des Mittleren Reiches und der 18. Dynastie. CAA Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien. Lief. I. Mainz, 1987. S. 132-138; Srpel. Gott, Mensch, Pharao.-.Kat. N 89; Satzinger H. Das Kunsthistorische Museum in Wien. Die Agyptisch-Orientalische Sammlung. Mainz, 1994. S. 75. Abb. 50.

71. For example, Capart. L'art... II. PI. 314-315; Vandier. Manuel... III. PI. 100, 4.

72. For example, CG 41086; Legrain. Statues... I. PI. 52; Vandier. Manuel...III. PI. 107, 4; CG 42141; Ley-am. Statues... IL PI. 3; Vandier. Manuel... III. PI. 135, 2; Louvre E.I 1105; Vandier. Manuel... III. PI. 118, 3; Louvre E. 11609; Encyclopedic photographique... Louvre. PI. 78-79; Vandier. Manuel... III. PI. 118, 4; 119, 2.

73. This idea is also evident in the private sculpture of the New Kingdom. For example, a person can be depicted with a baboon placed behind his head in the same way as a falcon in a royal sculpture.: Louvre Е.25398, Vandier. Manuel... III. PI. 173, 7; CG 42162, Legrain. Statues... II. PI. 26; Encyclopedic photographique... Caire. PI. 144; Vandier. Manuel... III. PI. 150,J; Berlin, 2284, Vandier. Manuel ... III. PI. 157,/. Since the owners of the first two figurines were royal scribes, it is obvious that these images convey the same idea of Thoth's patronage over scribes as the numerous groups where a man and a baboon sit side by side (Louvre E. I 1154, Vandier. Manuel..- III. PI. 150, /; Ziegler. The Louvre... Fig. on p. 65; Louvre E.11153, Vandier. Manuel... III. PI. 150, 2; JE 59291, Pendlehury J.D.S. Preliminary Report of the Excavations at Tell el-'Amamah, 1932-1933 // JEA. 1933. 19. PI. 17; 18, /, 2; Vandier. Manuel... III. PI. 171,5; Terrace E.L.B., Fischer H.G. Treasures of the Egyptian Museum. L? 1970. N 29).

74. At the same time, it should not be forgotten that the idea of protection gained special significance only in the New Kingdom, when it gave rise to numerous naofor, stelaphor, etc. statues in which images of the deity and the host protect each other (for this mutual protection, see Dijk J. van. A Ramesside Naophorous Statue from the Teti Pyramid Cemetery // OMRO. 1983. 64. P. 52-58). In the Old Kingdom, the Egyptians never experienced human vulnerability so dramatically and pessimistically; it is enough to compare the afterlife in the description of the Book of the Dead with the old Egyptian idea of a Double world, see Bolshakov. Man and his Double... P. 282- 290. Thus, despite the later analogies, the Hierakonpol group may still be closer to the falcon statues than to the New Egyptian compositions with a large falcon.

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This, however, cannot in any way shake the main thesis of this paper. First, the existence of this group of statues does not contradict the proposed interpretation of other groups. Second, in all the statues we are considering, the figure of the king dominates the falcon; on the contrary, when the main idea of the composition is protection, the king is much smaller than the deity. In other words, in the first case, the central figure is the king, in the second, the main character is the deity.

That two different ideas can be expressed in similar forms is by no means surprising. This convergence is predestined by the very nature of Egyptian pictorial art, where the possibilities of creating multi-figure compositions were limited to a small number of combinations of figures.

It is extremely interesting that the bird figure in the falcon statues is always positioned so that it can only be seen in profile, while the full-face remains invisible, although the Egyptian sculpture was designed specifically for a frontal view. Most characteristic in this respect is the statue of Ramesses VI CG 42152 (Fig. 12), where the falcon is placed high above the king's head - it is completely hidden behind a high composite crown. Such a sequence cannot be random - it is certain that the birds were deliberately hidden from the viewer's eyes. In this we can see another manifestation of the phenomenon that the author called the Egyptian "art of hint" (75). When for some reason it was impossible or undesirable to express an idea through an image, the Egyptians could use an implicit way of presenting visual information - they created compositions based on a hint, in which this image remained invisible or almost invisible, but its presence was obvious to those who knew the rules of the game. It was very difficult to imagine and express the dual nature of the king: on the one hand, it did not cause any doubts, on the other, it did not manifest itself in everyday life. The falcon statues express this dualism in a perfect way: as in life, the king has a human form, but under certain conditions, when viewed from the side, his divinity is revealed.

This circumstance is a serious argument in favor of the proposed interpretation and against the traditional one. Indeed, the protection of the king by God should be emphasized and brought to the fore in every possible way, as it happens in compositions with the dominant figure of the deity. On the contrary, the divine nature of the king is not revealed, hidden from view, it can only be hinted at.

Let us now turn to the totality of the monuments considered and their interrelations. The development of typology is obvious, and the degree of continuity is surprisingly large, although the early and late statues are separated by at least a millennium. However, the differences are also serious. All Old Egyptian samples (with the exception of one doubtful one-Fig. 8) convey the nature of the king in the most explicit way, when his kinship with the Choir is illustrated by the presence of God as a real being-a bird. The New Egyptian images of the feathered cloak show not a" mythical reality", but its reflection in the ritual.

What was the cult-specific nature of the falcon statues? In his time, Aldred made a convincing case that statuesque and wall images of the king in a feathered cloak show him during the celebration of hebsed (76). It would be very tempting to generalize this observation and extend Aldred's idea also to statues where the Choir is present in the form of a bird, and to those where the king wears a feathered headscarf. A good confirmation of this is provided not only by the typology, but also by the fact that two statues - Brooklyn Pepi I (Figure 5) and a fragment of CG 747 (Figure 17) - depict the king in a Chebsed cloak. The problem, however, is much more complex.

75. Bolshakov A.O. Hinting as a Method of Old Kingdom Tomb Decoration. I. The Offering-Stone and the False Door of the Dwarf Snh//GM. 1994. 139. S. 9-33.

76. Aldi-ed C. The 'New Year' Gifts to the Pharaoh // JEA. 1969. 55. P. 74-76.

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Thanks to the new catalog of the Leipzig Egyptian Museum, " a fairly complete reconstruction of the sculptural design program for the Temple of Chephren has now become possible. It includes a cheb-sed statue without a falcon (78), while the two falcon statues discussed above are not related to cheb-sed. On the other hand, heb-sed Neferefra is unknown to us (79), but he had a falcon statue. This could still be explained by the small number of monuments of this king, but Ramesses VI, who did not celebrate cheb-seda (80), also had a falcon statue. The same applies to the London statue, if it is authentic and really belongs to Mikerin (81).

Thus, some statues depicting the king with a falcon are associated with cheb-sed, but this connection is not necessary. Most of the heb-seds managed without them, and vice versa, their presence in itself does not indicate that this king celebrated his jubilee. A special study of this problem is necessary, but for now the following assumption will suffice. Falcon statues may not have originally been related to cheb-sed, but since they perfectly expressed the nature of the king, they began to be used in celebrating anniversaries. This hypothesis is supported by the general trend of development already noted above from the Old Egyptian naturalistic images of birds to the display of the ritual cloak in the New Kingdom.

However, these problems remain incidental to our main topic. Much more important is the unquestionable connection between the royal headscarf and the Choir, recently revealed by Gebs (82). The reflection of this connection in the Dictum of the 312 Sarcophagus Texts is a reliable written confirmation of our concept.

The theme of the saying is quite adequately reflected in its title "Transformation into a divine falcon". The possession of a headscarf is described as a necessary condition for transformation: "How will you reach the limits of the sky? Yes, you have the appearance of a Choir, (but) you do not have a head cloth "(83); "...I will give you a head cloth, " says the Double Lion to me - (so that) you could walk in the ways of heaven " (84). Plath is further identified with wings: "The double Lion took my head cloth, he gave me my wings" (85).

Thus, any image of the king in a headdress, in fact, is analogous to a falcon statue. Now it becomes clear why the plat was exclusively a royal attribute (unlike crowns, which could be worn by both kings and gods) - there is simply no other creature in the world with such a dual nature. Of course, it is no accident that, according to the Vestkar papyrus, the first three future kings of the Fifth Dynasty are born with headscarves on their heads (86). Since in this case the rights of newborns to the throne are far from obvious, it was necessary to emphasize the immanent divinity of infants and show their specifically royal properties, including their falcon nature.

In conclusion, it will be interesting to consider another highly controversial monument - the two-meter sculpture found by Mariette in Karnak (Fig. 20), 87 which is often considered together with the statues that were the subject of this article. Such attribution is possible at first glance, but there is a serious difference that does not allow us to consider this monument as an image.-

77. Katalog Agyptischer Sammlungen in Leipzig. Bd I. Lpz, 1948; Krauspe R. Statuen und Statuetten. Mainz, 1997.

78. Krauspe. Statuen... Taf. 4.

79. Hornung E., Staehelin E. Studien zum Sedfest. Basel-Genf, 1974. S. 22-23.

80. Ibid. S. 40.

81. Ibid. S. 21.

82. Goebs. Untersuchungen... S. 159 ff.

83. CT IV, 77c-d.

84. CT IV, 78f-h.

85. CT IV, 80c-d.

86. X, 8-10, 16-17,23-25.

87. Bruxelles E.5188, CapartJ. Documents pour servir a 1'etude de 1'art egyptien. T. I. P., 1927. PI. 99-100; idem. L'art... II. PI. 400.

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image of the king: the creature depicted not only has bird wings and tail, but also a falcon's head, and thus does not fit the concept of royal falcon statues. It should be an image of one of the many falcon gods.

The statue bears an inscription from the Third Transitional Period, but since it is undoubtedly secondary, much earlier dates from the Middle Kingdom (88) and even the Old Kingdom (89) have been suggested. Since the statue does not have clearly early features, the dating of the reign of Amenhotep III, recently proposed by van Rynsveld (90), seems more reasonable. Assuming van Rynsveld's date, we can assume that this is one of the statues associated with the cheb-seds of Amenhotep III. In this case, the statue is related to the royal cult, and borrowing from the royal iconography becomes quite understandable. Van Rynsveld identifies god as Ra-Harahti (91), but the old attribution of him as Khonsa (92) seems preferable. Ra-Harahti, like any solar deity, is indeed associated with the king, but still not enough to accept a very specific royal iconography; on the contrary, Khons, whose name means "Placenta of the king" (93), is a royal deity par excellence. The closest connection with the king made it possible to use the royal iconography for the statue of god.

20. Drawing a fragment of a sculpture from Karnak by Rinsveld van. Redating... 21. Bruxelles, Musees Royaux d'Art etd'Histoire E.5188

ANCIENT EGYPTIAN ROYAL SCULPTURE AND "HORUS NAME"

A.O. Bolshakov

The paper is devoted to a specific group of Old and New Kingdom statues representing a king with a falcon sitting behind his head and embracing his head with its wings. These statues are a manifestation of the double, both human and divine nature of an Egyptian king who is an earthly form of the falcon god Horus. The idealized body corresponds to king's divine constituent, while the individualized face demonstrates how Horus looks at the present moment at the earthly plane. The same dualism is reflected in the so-colled "Horus names" of the kings. New Kingdom statues representing a king wearing a feathered garb are the next stage of abstracting the idea of the king's nature. The head cloth was interpreted as falcon's wings, which makes it obvious why it was the only exclusively royal attribute (as contrary to the crowns that could be worn also by the gods) - there were no other beings combining human and divine elements. The English version of the paper is published in: L'art de 1'Ancient Empire egypten. Paris. P. 311-332.

88. For example, Wildung. Falkenkleid. S. 98. Anm. 8.

89. С'apart. Documents... I. P. 72-73.

90. Rinsveld V. van. Redating a Monumental Stone Hawk- Sculpture in the Musees Royaux. Brussels // KMT 1994 4/4. P. 20- 21.

91. Ibid. 21.

92. Capart. Documents... I. P. 72-73; idem. L'art... P. P. 45.

93. Blackman A.M. The Pharaoh's Placenta and the Moon-God Khons // JEA. 1916. 3. P. 235-249; репринт Blackman. Gods, Priests and Men. Studies in the Religion ofPharaonic Egypt. L.-N. Y? 1998. P. 381-395.

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