Libmonster ID: JP-1315
Author(s) of the publication: E. E. Kormysheva, O. V. Tomashevich, M. A. Chegodaev

In 1995, the Supreme Council of Archaeology under the Ministry of Culture of Egypt, having approved the proposed program of archaeological work, issued a license for the right to conduct excavations in the area of rock tomb G 7948 (Eastern Necropolis of Giza) to an employee of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences E. E. Kormysheva(1).

The Russian archaeological expedition conducted three field seasons in Giza (1996-1998). Since 1997, the work has been carried out with the participation of the Faculty of History of the Lomonosov Moscow State University. The program of the 1999 season received financial support within the framework of the project of the Federal Target Program "State Support for the integration of higher education and basic Science for 1997-2000", which has the status of a presidential program.

The work was carried out in the area of tomb G 7948, which belonged to Khafraankhu, the chief of the priests of the pyramid of Khafren (Fig. 1).This tomb, which is of great interest to Egyptologists, has never been the subject of special research, which, in particular, I. Harpur notes in one of his articles(2). Some information about it is available in the manuscripts of G. Salt, J. Burton, J. Wilkinson, N. Lot, which are now stored in the British Library and the National Library in Paris(3). Most likely, at the same time the tomb received its "personal name" - "Tomb of Numbers" (due to the numerous numbers marking the huge number of cattle depicted on the reliefs of the eastern wall of the chapel). In the middle of the last century, the tomb was visited by the expedition of R. Lepsius, whose artists J. P. Blavatsky and others. Bonomi and M. Weidenbach copied the reliefs covering its walls[4]. Both were excellent draftsmen and could brilliantly convey the extremely subtle specifics of the style of ancient Egyptian art, but the copying technique at that time not only allowed, but also assumed certain "corrections" and "improvements" where the artist considered it necessary. In this regard, we found a number of inaccuracies, sometimes very serious, in the copies of Lepsius. Leaving the" Tomb of Numbers", the Lepsius expedition sawed out and took with them to Berlin the so-called "drum"(5),

(1) M. A. Chegodaev (deputy head) and O. V. Tomashevich worked as part of the expedition led by E. E. Kormysheva. A. Kulakov, M. Kocheryan, as well as a group of students of the Moscow Art Institute led by T. N. Starukhina took part in the work of the 1998 season and processing of materials. Foreign experts took part in the fieldwork: I. Dorner (topographer), P. Yanoshi (archaeologist), S. Marchand (ceramologist), F. Janot (anthropologist), M. Visa (lithologist). Teachers and students of the Faculty of History of Moscow State University-V. I. Kuzishchin, S. S. Agapov, S. M. Vorobyov, M. S. Smekalova, as well as employees of the Institute of Oriental Studies T. A. Baskakova and S. V. Arkhipova participated in the work of the 1999 season within the framework of the project of the Federal target Program "State Support for the integration of Higher Education and Fundamental Science for 1997-2000".. Architectural measurements, drawings and plans of the tomb of Hafraankh were made by L. M. Dreyer. M. Lemesh (archaeologist) and A. Wodzinska (ceramologist) worked as part of the expedition in the 1999 season.

(2) Harpur Y.M. The Old Kingdom Tombs at Giza // JEA. 1981. 67. P. 24.

(3) See PM III, 2, I, 207-8. The archive work has already been partially completed by members of the expedition; the results are expected to be published in the full edition of the tomb.,

(4) LD II. B1. 8-11; Erganzungsband. Bl. XVIII a, b, p.

(5) Imitation (in stone) of a rolled-up wicker mat, which in reality was used to cover the doorway.

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1. Tomb of Hafraankh (G 7948) in Giza. General view

located above the front door. However, the Prussian expedition did not conduct archaeological research of the tomb. As a result, the schematic plan of R. Lepsius shows, for example, only one of the three burial shafts, the northern part of the chapel remained completely unmarked, as well as the underground structure of the tomb, where no Europeans had ever descended before. Thus, already in the second quarter of the 19th century, the tomb became known to Europeans, who periodically visited it and left numerous graffiti on its walls, but after R. Lepsius, no one studied it. All this sometimes led researchers who had only old German copies at their disposal to make erroneous messages or conclusions(6). In this regard, the expedition set itself a very specific task-to explore the tomb of Khafraankh and re-copy the reliefs and inscriptions in order to prepare its full publication. However, this initial task was significantly exceeded in the course of the work.


The tomb is located on the edge of the Eastern Necropolis of Giza, descending to the village of Nazlet el-Samman (Figure 2). By the time work began, the tomb of Hafraankh, marked on the plan of B. Porter and R. Moss as G 7948(7), was almost completely covered with sand, and only to clear the entrance and chapel it took almost a month of work.. In all likelihood, sand from the excavations of the Eastern Necropolis got here, on the slope. Annual khamsins increased the sand layer, and this part of the necropolis was completely covered with a fairly thick layer of sediment.

The results of fieldwork presented in this article contain data on the design, construction, dimensions and architectural features of the tomb of Khafraankh,

(6) For example, I. Harpur (Harpur. The Old Kingdom Tombs at Giza. P. 25) says, referring to a copy of Lepsius, about the uniqueness of the image of the overseer with a dog, which completely repeats the figure of Khafraankh. In this case, we would have a completely exceptional case for the Ancient Kingdom of the image of the owner of the tomb "of the same height" with his servants. However, in reality, the figure of the servant does not repeat the image of Khafraankh at all.

(7) RM III, 2: 179. PI. XVIII. Corresponds to N 75 according to the numbering of R. Lepsius.

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2. Plan of the Giza Necropolis (J. Bains, J. Malek. Atlas of Ancien Egypt. Oxf., 1980. P. 158). 1-Rock tomb of Khafraankh (G 7948) in the Eastern Necropolis

It is the first time that the first excavated mines and burial chambers, notes on the nature of reliefs and epigraphy, as well as information about new tombs found in the course of field work are introduced into scientific circulation [8]. The study of the tomb has not yet been completed, but it is already possible to trace the history of its construction and subsequent fate in advance.

The result of the first field season (1996) was the discovery of a new room bordering the northern part of the Hafraanha Chapel (Figure 3; Plan A). Further excavations (1997-1998) of this room revealed that a new tomb was located here (see plan. C), carved later in the rock, which led to the destruction of the northern wall of the old chapel. It has an unfinished chapel, a slope for the sarcophagus leading to the burial chamber (4), and a burial well (IV) located in the northwest corner of this tomb, which leads to the burial chamber (5).

During the field season of 1998, topographical surveys revealed another burial site (see plan, O), which is a shaft that adjoins closely

(8) A detailed report on the last seasons was submitted to the Egyptian Antiquities Authority for publication in ASAE in June 1998.

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3. Plan of the tomb of Khafraankh

to the outer east wall of the Tomb of Numbers. Preliminary examination and analysis of the found ceramics showed that the burial site belongs to the Ancient Kingdom. Work on clearing this burial is expected to be carried out in the next field season.


Initially, the tomb of Khafraankh was a single-chamber L-shaped room carved into the rock (9) with an entrance in the eastern wall, located in its northern part. The eastern, southern, northern walls and the southern part of the western wall were completely covered with reliefs occupying 2/3 of the height of the chapel. From the bottom, there is a free space for a height equal to 2 Egyptian cubits from the floor (104 cm). The western wall, which has a niche with a statue in the southern part, was (3) its length a so-called " palace facade "with three pairs of" false doors " adjacent to each other. In the floor of the western wall there are three shafts leading to the burial chambers. In addition to Khafraankh, inscriptions with numerous relief images mention his wife Herenka, his brother Iteti, sons, daughters and, possibly, their relatives - the married couple Herimera and Ishepet. The titles and offices of Khafraankh and his wife, as well as their children, occur many times; the titles and offices of Iteti (they are the same as those of Khafraankh), as well as his name itself, occur only once in the tomb near his image on the eastern wall. Herimeru and Ishepet (given names only) are mentioned on the panel of their false door (the latter's name is also preserved on the "drum"). In the spelling of names and positions, there are extremely interesting deviations from the "norm", which, in all likelihood, have a well-defined logic (see below).

(9) The tomb belongs to the RC (iii b) type according to the classification of J. R. R. Tolkien. Рейснера (см. Reisner G.A. A History of the Giza Necropolis. V. I. Oxf., 1942. P. 238). Most tombs of this type are based on the Mastaba type of the V-VI dynasties, imitating L-shaped chapels with one aboveground room and one niche with a statue on the western wall (ibid., p. 246).

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4. Entrance to the tomb of Khafraankh. Southern shoal

On the northern and southern jambs of the entrance to tomb G 7948, relief images of a standing Hafraankh are preserved: on the southern one - in the form of a young man (Fig. 4), on the northern one - an elderly person. Both figures face the newcomers. Such images are not often found in the tombs of the Ancient Kingdom. Giza provides the most examples, and they are also known in Saqqara, Meir, and Deir el-Gebrawi. As a rule, they date from the middle of the Fifth Dynasty(10).

The size of the doorway in the tomb of Khafraankh is 2.45 m high and 1.14 m wide. The "drum" above the door with an inscription containing the titles and name of the owner was carefully sawn (as evidenced by the remaining traces of cuts) and taken away by R. Lepsius to Berlin(11). Currently, it is stored in the reserve No. 7 of the Berlin Bode Museum (inv. N 1150). Its dimensions are: length 1.19 m, width 0.34 m on the left, 0.35 m on the right, and height 0.31 m. The inscription is 0.90 m long and has short vertical columns of signs facing to the right(12). In the Archive of the Berlin Dictionary there are prints of the inscription (36, sheet 1-3) (13).

(10) Harpur Y. Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom. Studies in Orientation and Scene Content. L., 1987. P. 54. Fig. 25-26.

(11) "The Drum" was studied by O. V. Tomashevich during a business trip to Germany as part of a scholarship of the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation. The authors are grateful to the Director of the Egyptian Museum, D. Wildung, and the curator, K. Finnaiser, for their kind permission to study the monument on site.

(12) LD. II, 8. The inscription is inaccurately reproduced in the book: Roeder G. Inschriften aus den Koniglichen Museen zu Berlin. V. I. Lpz, 1901. S. 27.

(13) We express our deep gratitude for the opportunity to work with these unique materials to the staff of the Berlin Dictionary Archive E. Freier and S. Grunert, authors of the book about the expedition of R. Lepsius: Freier E., Gruenert S., Freitag M. Eine Reise durch Agypten. Nach den Zeitungen der Lepsius- Expedition in den Jahren 1842-1845. В., 1984.

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5. Images of Khafraankh (right) and his brother Iteti. East wall of the tomb

According to I. Harpur, such a construction of the inscription is found in tombs of the IV - beginning of the V dynasty(14). Initially, the tomb doors were double-leafed, which is typical of the tombs of the Ancient Kingdom (15). In the floor, there were still holes for spikes, on which the sashes rotated. The craftsmen who built the new tomb destroyed most of the north wall of the Hafraanha chapel and installed a new single-leaf door at the entrance. Its wooden fastenings left deep marks on the north jamb of the entrance; the south jamb shows traces of the fastening necessary to close the single-leaf door. The old lintel was replaced with a wider one. The chisel marks on it are significantly different in length and depth from the corresponding traces in the burial chamber of Khafraankh (the ceiling of the chapel is carefully ironed), but they correspond exactly to the chisel marks that are observed in the tomb of V. According to the conclusion of the lithologist M. Wyss, such carver's work can be dated no earlier than the New Kingdom period.

Over the course of three seasons, photographs were taken, and reliefs and inscriptions of the Hafraanha Chapel were copied in various ways. At this stage, work has been completed on the southern and eastern walls of the chapel. Comparison of the obtained copies with the materials of R. Lepsius revealed a number of inaccuracies in the transmission of images, details of clothing, human figures in motion, funeral offerings, hairstyles, as well as paleographic features of the inscription of signs that do not convey the somewhat idealized drawings of R. Lepsius ' artists.

On the eastern wall of the chapel (wall length 5.8 m, height in the northern corner-2.53 m, height in the southern corner-2.87 m) there are large relief images of Hafraankh leaning on a staff, and his brother Iteti, dressed in a leopard skin (facing right) (Fig. 5). Both figures are of the same height, above them - names and positions written in columns of hieroglyphs (the latter match): "Friend of the Great House, chief of the priests-uabs (pyramid) "Great Chephren", Khafraankh. His brother from d.t his (see below), friend of the Big House, chief of the priests-uabs (pyramid) "Great Chephren", Iteti". In front of the brothers, up to the end of the wall, in six registers, there are scenes of reading the "list of offerings", "sailing to the West", threshing and pouring grain, reaping, punishing the guilty, catching birds and fish, and driving cattle.

According to the preliminary results of the study of reliefs, a number of different types can be noted.-

(14) Harpur. The Old Kingdom Tombs at Giza. P. 48.

(15) Koenigsherger 0. Die Konstruktion der Agyptischen Tilr. Agyptologische Forschungen 2. Gliickstadt, 1936.

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6. Image of the Urethca, daughter of Hafraanch. South wall of the tomb

readings published by R. Lepsius. They relate to the depiction of the figures of Khafraankh and Iteti, as well as some scenes in the registers of this wall: "the scene of sailing to the West" - details of images of ships and rowers, agricultural scenes (the first and second registers from above) - the so-called stele with the image of a snake bears a different pattern; (the second register from above) - errors in the the transfer of figures of farmers, musicians, an overseer with a dog (who, unlike the owner, does not have a long wig), the location of hieroglyphs (third case from the top), errors in the transfer of numbers when counting cattle.

The southern wall (3 m long, 2.87 m high at the eastern corner, 2.96 m high at the western corner) provides interesting information on prosopography and titulature. In the left (eastern) part of it there is an image of Khafraankh and Herenk sitting on a wide chair, under which their daughter Uretka (Wrtk E) is sitting with her legs crossed (Fig. 6). In front of them is a huge sacrificial table with offerings and six registers with figures of people performing sacrifices. In the upper case - the sons and daughters of Hafraanh: you can see the figures of five sitting men (before four the indication " son " is preserved; of the names only the name of the second son is preserved, Wsrk E w,) and four women, the daughters of the owner (Wrtk E, the next name is destroyed, Hrnk E, Dfk E). Other registers show figures of hmw Ka (funeral priests) with traditional offerings to the deceased. Above Khafraankh and Kherenka are columns of hieroglyphs containing their titles (16): "Friend of the Great House, chief of the priests-uabs (pyramid) "Great is Khafren", master of reverence before the good God, master of reverence before his master, beloved by his master, doing what is desired for his master every day, close to the king, Khafraankh". Herenka has the typical titles of a lady of the court (17): "The king's personal attendant, mistress of homage to Hathor, Lady of Sycamore, Lady of Dendera, (and before) Nate, the pathfinder, Herenka."

Western wall (length 7.17 m, height at the southern corner 2.96 m, height at the northern corner -2.48 m). In its southern part, there is a badly damaged relief image of Hafraankh and a miniature figure of his son, who also bears this euphoric name. In the upper two registers, located above the niche with the statue of Khafraankh, scribes are depicted - the sons of Khafraankh and people leading the hyena to the owner of the tomb.

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7. Statue of Khafraankh. Western Wall

Behind the relief image of Hafraankh in the southern part of the western wall, at a distance of 1.1 m from the eastern corner of the southern wall, there is a niche (0.53 m deep and 0.68 m wide), in which stands his statue carved into the rock (a semicircular sculpture is actually a very high relief) (Fig. 7). This location is unusual for the city of Khafraankh. rock tombs, where the niche is always located opposite the entrance to the tomb. The height of the statue corresponds to the human height (1.6 m), which is usually typical for statues in rock tombs, in contrast to free-standing ones (19). Khafraankh is depicted in a short girdle and a long wig. In his clenched fists, he seems to be holding some objects that are difficult to identify due to the poor preservation of the statue(20). Most likely, it could be the so-called "handkerchief", which is clearly visible on the relief image of a male figure on the jamb of the niche where the statue stands. The Hafraanha statue's wig covers almost all of its ears, reaching down to its shoulders. According to the observations of N. Sherpion, the appearance of such wigs presumably dates back to the V Dynasty(21).

Both jambs of the niche with the statue of Khafraankh have images. The southern jamb shows three rows of women, the so-called "representatives of the villages", carrying baskets with offerings on their heads, as if heading inside the niche (Figure 8). Their poses and style of image fully correspond to those found in other tombs of the Ancient Kingdom. Such figures could be found on the walls of chapels or on the outer walls.

(18) Calender V.G., Janosi P. The Tomb of Queen Khamerernebty II at Giza. A Reassessment // MDAIK. 1997. 53. P. 56.

(19) See Rzepka S. Some Remarks on the Rock-cut Group-Statues in the Old Kingdom / / SAK. 1995. Bd 22. P. 236. Here, unfortunately, contains an erroneous statement (with reference to the article by T. Kendall-Kendall T. An Unusual Rock-cut Tomb at Giza. Studies in Ancient Egypt, the Aegean, and the Sudan. Essays in Honor of Dows Dunham on the occasion of his 90th Birthday, June 1, 1980. Boston, 1980. P. 107. Not. 11) on the presence of a statuesque composition of two figures in our tomb (Rzepka. Some Remarks... P. 236. Not. 31). In the archive of J. R. R. Tolkien Reisner's photograph, which contains such a statue, is marked as belonging to an unknown tomb located north of the tomb of Khafraankh. I would like to take this opportunity to express my gratitude to R. Fried and P. Manuelyan (Museum of Fine Arts, Boston) for the opportunity to review the archive of J. R. R. Tolkien. Reisner.

(20) For various objects that may have been in the hands of statues, including non-royal ones, see Fehlig A. Das sogenannte Taschentuch in den agyptischen Darstellungen des Alten Reiches // SAK. 1986. 13. P. 64-66.

(21) Cherpion N. La statuaire privee d'Ancien Empire: Indices de Datation. Les criteres de datation stylistiques a 1'Ancient Empire. Le Caire, 1998. P. 109. Not. 63.

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Figure 8. Images of "representatives of villages" with offerings. South jamb of a niche on the west wall

surfaces of false doors. This arrangement in the niche of the statue is extremely rare(22). The relief figures of men and women on the northern jamb of the niche also look unusual in their location. They are shown as if going out of it into the chapel. The jamb is damaged, but the "handkerchief" in the man's hand in the top row is clearly visible. Such "handkerchiefs" belong to the king, the owner of a private tomb, or his eldest son (23). This suggests that images of Hafraankh and his wife may have been carved near the statue in order to once again show them as recipients of offerings. Typologically described images in the statue niche can be compared with images on the inner planes of false door jambs(24).

Extremely important is the decor of the western wall, decorated with the "palace facade" (25). It starts exactly at the height of the elbow from the floor of the chapel and ends at the ceiling. On the "palace facade" - three pairs of false doors. For each person buried in the tomb, there were two false doors: one with a "drum" and a panel, and two inscriptions on the architraves and lintels, respectively. The south false door is directly adjacent to the niche with the statue of Khafraankh. The three mines correspond to the number of people named on the false door reels: Khafraankh, Herenka, Ishepet. Three panels with images (two Khafraankha and Herenka and one Ishepet and Herimeru) they also correspond to burials. They are of the greatest interest for studying the "list of sacrifices" of the Ancient Kingdom era, as well as the features of paleography. The orientation of all shape images in the panels is the same-facing north (26).

Of the five inscribed false door architraves (four still standing), three contain the Anubis-facing sacrificial formula htp di nsw, which also corresponds to the three burials. Khafraankh and Herenk each had one more inscription - with titles-on the map.

(22) According to L. Baresh, this arrangement of images is found in rock tombs of the Fifth Dynasty in Tehna (Minya province).

(23) Fehlig. Op. cit. P. 56-57.

(24) Bolshakov A. O. Sistemnyi analiz staroegipetskikh grobnichnykh kompleksov [System analysis of Old Egyptian tomb complexes]. A History... P. 339- 344.

(25) For palace facades and their purpose, see in particular: Wiebach S. Die agyptische Scheintur (Dissertation). Hamburg, 1981.

(26) For the orientation of figures on panels, see Bolshakov A. O. Chelovek i ego Dvoynik, pp. 59-60. The authors express their deep gratitude to A. O. Bolshakov for permission to use the manuscript of the Russian version of his book.

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the lintel (now they are badly destroyed). One of the architraves (the second one on the south side) It was taken to England and is now preserved in the Museum of Oriental Art and Archaeology in Derham (N 2153). On this architrave, the photo and drawing of which are reproduced by Y. Malek, the phrase smr pr [' ] is written without an indirect genitive(27). On the jambs of the false door, which adjoins the niche with the statue of Hafraankh on the north, the hieroglyphic text of the list of offerings remains significantly damaged.


The names of Khafraankh and his" beloved son " Khafraankh the younger are written with a permutation of signs in the phonetic complement ('nh + h + n) (28) (not counting four cases of writing only in ideograms-all on the western wall). Just once, the name is written in the usual way (on the lintel under the panel of the first false door on the left), and in combination with the usual spelling of the title and position (see below). The name of the tomb owner and his son, combined with ' nh, gives a variety of permutations of characters, due to the vertical or horizontal position of the inscription. The permutation of characters is also found in the titles: smr and shd in the left and right corners of the niche with the statue. Although the permutation of characters is quite common in the writing of these titles in the era of the Ancient Kingdom, in this context we can talk about the deliberate inclusion of it in the text program of the chapel of Khafraankh. As to the reasons for this phenomenon, which is characteristic of our tomb as a whole [29], several assumptions can be put forward, including adaptation to the space on which the text is carved. More detailed research and comparative material will allow you to confirm or refute this or that assumption. One thing is quite obvious - such a variety of variants of permutation of signs is not found in any of the published tombs. By itself, the permutation of characters in the element 'nh as part of the name is observed in the V dynasty (30). An example of this is the stone block with the inscription (Cairo Museum, JE 43972) 31.

Another rather rare feature recorded on the eastern wall of the tomb is the spelling of the title Hafraanha smr n pr - ' E ("friend of the Big House"). This title appears ten times in the Tomb of Numbers (once above the image of Iteti); four times in the direct italic script (all on the western wall: in the niche near the statue and on the architraves of the false doors); five times it is given in the abnormal form smr n pr-' E, i.e. through the "indirect genitive". Writing the title using an indirect genitive is also found in the tomb of Iteti (32), the brother of Khafraankh. I. Harpur states (33) that the spelling "friend of the Big House" using an "indirect genitive" is found only in Khafraankh and Iteti, i.e. in siblings, of whom the younger inherited the position of the elder. Moreover, judging by the size of his figure on the relief of the eastern wall of the tomb of his brother, where he is represented by the same height as him, and by the fact that he already bears the title of brother, Iteti completed the design of his tomb. In this situation, the appearance of a non-standard spelling of the title for both brothers may be natural. However, there are other cases of this spelling, and those who held the same position as Khafraankh and Iteti. Also, for example, a certain Rujka writes out his title on the "drum".

(27) Maiek J. New Relieves and Inscriptions from Five Old Tombs at Giza and Saqqara // BSGE. 1982. 6. P. 58-60.

(28) A similar permutation of signs is found on a fragment found in the area of the western part of the circumferential wall of the Pepi I complex by the French archaeological expedition in Saqqara, where E. E. Kormysheva has been working for the last nine seasons. The element is located after the fragmentary preserved cartouche of Teti. We take this opportunity to express our gratitude to the head of the expedition, Prof. J. Leclan and C. Berger, for allowing us to use the unpublished materials of the expedition.

(29) For possible reasons for explaining this phenomenon, see Fischer H. G. The Orientation of Hieroglyphs. N.Y., 1977.

(30) Borchardt L. Ne-user-i. Lpz, 1909. P. 109-116.

(31) See PM. Ill, 1 fasc. 2. P. 753.

(32) G 7391, published by: Curto S. Gli scavi italiani a el-Ghiza (1903). Roma, 1963; Badawy A. The Tomb of Iteti, Sekhemankh-Ptah and Kaemnofret at Giza. California, 1976. PI. 3, 8. Fig. 11.

(33) She notes (Harpur. The Old Kingdom Tombs at Giza. P. 26), that this spelling is very rare and apart from these two tombs is not found among the inscriptions of the Old Kingdom.

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the door of his tomb (the monument entered the British Museum in 1897 [34]; unfortunately, the location of its discovery remains unknown). On the architrave of his false door, he is referred to as "friend of the Great House" and "chief of the Ouab priests" (both spellings using the "direct genitive"). On the "drum" it is called smr n pr - 'E, but shd w'b (w) n Wr-H'fr' (!).

The title "chief of the Uab priests of the Pyramid of Chephren" appears nine times in the Tomb of Numbers (once above the image of Iteti). Of these, three times (one exactly and two presumably) it is written using the "direct genitive" (all - on the western wall: in a niche near the statue, on the small architrave of the southern false door and, possibly, on the panel of the third false door). Five times this position is written using the "indirect genitive" shd w'b (w) n Wr-H'fr' (once-indeterminate: only the second part of the position is preserved, i.e. the name of the pyramid Wr-H'fr', carved on the southern part of the passage to the tomb in front of the image of the owner). It seems that the title was assigned later, when all the other reliefs and inscriptions were already completed(35). The title and position are not always necessarily present simultaneously in the same inscription: on the architraves of the first and second false doors, Khafraankh is called only "friend of the big house" (both times using the "direct genitive"), on the other hand, the title is not always present at the same time. on the false door of Herenka, he is called only "chief of the uabs", most likely only so he was called on the" cheek " of the entrance. However, there is no combination of "direct genitive" and "indirect" anywhere: if the title is written using "indirect genitive", then the position will be written in the same way.

Iteti, who accompanies Khafraankh in the image on the northern part of the eastern wall of the chapel, is called sn.f n dt.f. Like Khafraankh, he bore the title shd w'bw n Wr-H'fr' - "chief of the Uab priests of the Great Pyramid of Khafren" (36). He is also buried in the Eastern Necropolis of Giza (G 7391), but not in a rock tomb, but in a small mastaba(37). His tomb shows a man named Herimeru, possibly the same one who is represented with his wife Ishepet in the panel of the third false door of the tomb of Khafraankh, where they are shown sitting at a sacrificial table with offerings (the false door has a "drum" with only the name Ispt). Their exact relationship to the Hafraanha family cannot yet be established, but the image of Herimeru in the tomb of Iteti makes it clear that they are related.

Iteti title sn.f n dt.f and his depiction in relief as Hafraanh's final guide indicate that he died after his brother. Without going into the discussion about the meaning of this phrase [38], it should be noted: in this case, we are most closely related to the point of view of Yu. Ya. Perepelkin, who believed that we are talking about a real blood brother [39] , as well as the assumption of G. Gedike [40] that the person who bears this title was engaged in visit to the tomb of the deceased. The form of writing dt using the signs of snake and bread, as noted by Yu. Ya. Perepelkin, is found in the pyramid of Unis (41), allowing us to consider this as one of the criteria in favor of dating the tomb of Khafraankh by the V dynasty.

If indeed Ishepet and her husband Herimeru (42) are depicted in the tomb

(34) Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae etc., in the British Museum. L? 1961. Pt I. P. 8.

(35) So in the drawing of Lepsius; now the inscription has virtually disappeared.

(36) Badawy. Op. cit. P. 4, 8, 11. PI. 7, 10.

(37) cm. Badawy. Op. cit. Fig. 4, 5. Currently, the tomb is closed and the entrance is partially covered with sand.

(38) The question of the meaning of sn dt was investigated by Yu. Ya. Perepelkin (Private property in the view of the Egyptians of the Old Kingdom // PS. 1966. 16 (79)), and earlier - also by G. Junker, B. Grdzelov, and later-by G. Gedike, W. Helcom. In relation to the titles of Khafraankh and especially Iteti, the question was considered by I. Harpur (Harpur. The Old Kingdom Tombs at Giza. P. 28-31).

(39) Perepelkin. 17. R. Drenkhan considered Iteti and Khafraankh to be blood brothers, and published a review of the publication of A. Badavi's tomb of Iteti, which depicts our Khafraankh (Drenkhahn R. Review / / Bibliotheca Orientalis. 1978. XXV. 1/2. P. 86-89).

(40) Goedicke Н. Die privaten Rechtsinschriften aus dem Alten Reich. Vienna, 1970. P. 122-130.

(41) Perepelkin. Uk. soch. p. 17.

(42) The panel with the image of a certain deceased named Herimeru in front of the sacrificial table is kept in the collection of the Egyptological Institute of the University of Heidelberg (inv. N 28). Height 45 cm, length 53, limestone. The item was bought in 1912 in Cairo and probably comes from Giza. Published by: Feucht E. Vom Nil zum Neckar. V., 1986. S. 33. N 133; Seipel W. Agypten. Gutter, Graber und die Kunst 4000 Jahre Jenseitsglaube. Katalog zur Ausstellung. Linz, 1989. Bd I. S. 60. N 32. Sincere thanks to the curator of the Egyptian Collection in Heidelberg, Prof. E. Feucht, for the kind permission to see the monument and for its photo.

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Iteti (43), so they were the last to be buried in the tomb built for Khafraankh. It should be noted in this connection that the clothes and shapes of the wigs on the panel above the false door of these characters differ from the clothes and wigs of Hafraankh and Herenk.


In the wall between the false doors of Herenk, the wife of Hafraankh, and Herimeru and Ishepet, there is a gap leading to a narrow rectangular room (see plan, S) measuring 2.7 m (east wall), 2.62 m (west wall), 1.1 m wide and 2.02 m high. In the northern part of the ceiling there is a hole measuring 0.76 x 0.85 m, similar to a shaft going up. The similarity is enhanced by the presence of"steps". It is not yet possible to examine the exit from this room - it is covered with large stones. The purpose of this narrow space is unclear. Judging by the location, it could have been the burial chamber of another tomb, located above the tomb of Khafraankh. In this case, as shown by the calculations made by I. Dorner based on the data of his topographic survey, the corresponding chapel should be searched at an altitude of 4.5 m from the mouth of the mine. However, for a burial chamber, the size of the room is unusual: it is too elongated in length with a small width. It cannot be ruled out that the Tomb of Numbers pub was located here. Serdabs, however, are very rare in rock tombs. The excavation of the area above the tomb of Khafraankh, which is expected to take place in the next field season, may clarify this issue.


Two narrow vertical fragments with remnants of images are all that remains of the north wall of the Hafraanha chapel. The western part of the northern wall is 0.18 m wide and 2.48 m high; the eastern part is 0.32 m wide and 2.46 m high. The original length of the north wall of the Hafraanha Chapel was 2.96 m. The preserved decor of the eastern part of the wall consists of fragments of so-called swamp scenes: there are two birds characteristic of such scenes(44), papyrus stalks and an image of a swamp cat. On the western side of the wall is a male figure facing east, facing the entrance to the tomb. Below is an image of the stern or bow of the boat, which is supported on the shoulders of a person. This may be part of a scene showing the construction of a boat. There is a similar scene in Medum, in tomb T 23 (45).


During three field seasons, we cleared and examined three burial shafts and three burial chambers located under the Hafraanha Chapel. They correspond to the burials of Khafraankh (1), his wife Herenka (2) and Ishepet (3).

The Hafraanha mine is cut at a distance of 1.6 m from the southern wall. Its mouth is significantly different in shape from the other mouths of the mines of this tomb. Its size is 1. 12x1. 12x1. 14x1. 07 m; the depth of the mine is 9.78 m. The unprotected shaft cover probably had four protrusions, for fixing which depressions of approximately 0.03 m in size were made on all sides of the shaft (see plan). The presence of a lid is unusual for

(43) Herimeru's name and image are found on the north door jamb, see Badawy. Op. cit. Fig. 7. As noted by I. Harpur, if the reading of Ishepet's name is confirmed, it can be assumed that she was the sister of Iteti, and Herimeru, thus, the husband of his sister (Harpur. The Old Kingdom Tombs at Giza. P. 30). If, as we believe, Iteti was a blood brother of Khafraankh, then the degree of kinship between Ishepet and Herimeru in relation to Khafraankh is determined accordingly.

(44) Houlihan P. F. A Guide to the Wildlife Represented in the Great Swampland Scene in the Offering-chapel of Ti (N 60) at Saqqara / / GM. 1996. Heft 155. Fig. 3(7); Fig. 5 (30); Fig. 7(52); similar images are found in the tomb of Mereruk. For the composition of such scenes in the Ancient Kingdom, see Harpur. Decoration in Egyptian Tombs... P. 191-194.

(45) Petrie W.M.F. Medum. L., 1892. P. 26. PI. XXIII; см. также Landstrom B. Die Schiffe der Pharaonen. Wien, 1974. S. 94-95. N 307.

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this type of tomb(46). Accordingly, the question of whether it belonged to the original shaft carved for the burial of Khafraankh or whether it was made later, when the second burial was made, remains open, although, of course, it is unlikely that the mouth of the shaft was so changed during the second burial. Four hemispherical holes (0.15 m-0.25 m deep) were cut around the shaft. They have not yet been able to find an exact analog, and the purpose of these holes is not entirely clear. Perhaps they were intended for the wooden pillars that served as a mount for the lift used to transport the stones that lined the burial chamber of Khafraankh, or they were holes for the stands of sacrificial tables that were installed here in front of the false doors and the statue of Khafraankh.

The burial chamber of Khafraankh (1) is quite large: the western wall reached 3.08 m, the southern wall - 2.7 m, the eastern wall - 2.52 m, and the northern wall - 3.12 m. The location of the camera is to the south of the mine. Its height is 1.76 m at the southwest corner, 1.72 m at the southeast corner, 1.72 m at the northeast corner, and 1.62 m at the northwest corner. The floor of the burial chamber was covered with small stones and filled with mortar with shards of simple ceramics, and two rows of stone blocks were laid on top (the total height of the bookmark is 0.6 m). Burial of Hafraankh, according to the classification of J. R. R. Tolkien. Reisner, belongs to type 4 with a chamber to the south in relation to the well(47). The body of the deceased, as in all other burial chambers of this tomb, was located along the north-south line (48). The blocks in the eastern part of the burial chamber remained intact, while the western part was disturbed. After clearing, it became obvious that here - in the western part-there was a rectangular burial bed - "tabut" (see plan, T). Its dimensions: 2.19 m on the west side, 1.1 m on the north side; 1.12 m on the south and 2.14 m on the east side. The bed was cut down at a distance of 0.26 m from the southern wall of the chamber and at a distance of 0.35 m from the northern one. Its maximum depth is 0.32 m. The found bed belongs to open-type lodges(49). Most of all, it looks like a bed from the tomb of G 5180 B.

A specific feature of the burial bed is six rectangular cut-out depressions, three on each long side (Figure 9). Such structures are not found in the tombs of the Ancient Kingdom in Giza. After removing the stone blocks, the remains of a crushed skeleton lying with its head to the north, pottery and remains of painted wood with traces of knocking and paint were found, which indicate that Khafraankh was buried in a wooden sarcophagus. The distance from the bottom to the recesses on the sides was enough to place a sarcophagus here. In this case, the two rows of heavy stone blocks that we removed during the last field season belong to the original burial and were made to better protect the mummy of Khafraankh from looting. Such masonry, as far as we know, has not been recorded to date in the burials of the Ancient Kingdom. Other things are also possible. The sarcophagus was rectangular and had three transverse beams at the bottom, protruding outwards exactly by the size of the depressions along the edges of the bed (50). As a similar example, we can refer to the relief from the tomb of Fetekta in Saqqara (mid-fifth dynasty).(51), which depicts a funeral procession carrying similar sarcophagi. True, there are four cross beams. Similar constructions of sarcophagi, where the number of cross beams is not less than four, are known from the First Transition Period and the Middle Kingdom(52).

The other (eastern) part of the burial chamber was a" bench " carved at the level above the burial bed, on which were various ceramic vessels. Such benches are typical of the Giza necropolis. Most of the vessels were also damaged for various reasons. However, restoration of some of them is possible,

(46) Reisner. A History... P. 85-86.

(47) Ibid. pp. 87, 89. Fig. 22. G 21 Yu A.

(48) For the orientation of burials and their significance, see Bolshakov Street. Man and his Double, pp. 27-29.

(49) Reisner. A History... P. 162.

(50) Thus, the sarcophagus should not have touched its bottom. Perhaps this is confirmed by the presence of a large amount of surprisingly clean sand around and under the remains. It seems that the sand was specially poured into the "tabut" for ritual purposes.

(51) See LD II. 96 (Ostseite).

(52) See, for example, sarcophagi from the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston: N 20.1826 from Deir el-Bershe, tomb of Jhutiinakht, XI dynasty; N 25.1512-13 from Sheikh Farag, IX dynasty.

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Fig. 9. Khafraankh's burial bed

and it will be held next season. Preliminary analysis of these ceramics allowed us to date them to the V-VI dynasties. The Khafraankh burial chamber was used for a second time: fragments of a male skeleton were found on disturbed masonry stones during the 1997 field season. It is possible to date the new burial at least approximately with ceramics, the study of which will continue during the 1999 season. According to S. Marchand, one of the vessels we restored dates back to the Greco-Roman period. On the north wall of the burial chamber, a line made with red ochre is preserved at a distance of 0.15 m to the left of the entrance. Perhaps it was originally intended to be made wider. At the western wall of the burial chamber there are two rectangular openings measuring 0.20 x 0.12 m, located at a distance of 0.8 m from the southern corner of this wall. On the northern side, an opening measuring 0.3 m long and 0.14 m wide is located at a distance of 0.48 m from the northern wall and almost directly adjoins the western wall of the burial chamber. The holes found in the ceiling of the burial chamber correspond to those that were cut out near the burial bed. This suggests that the holes may have been intended to strengthen the wooden pillars and fix the ropes that supported the sarcophagus during its transportation and turning from the entrance to the burial chamber to the burial bed. The entrance itself, as it should be, was laid with stone blocks, two rows of which we left in situ. Analysis of the binding material used for this masonry compared to the same material from the burial chamber may provide additional data on the dating of the re-burial.

The burial shaft of Herenka (see plan II), the wife of Hafraankh, reaches a depth of 3.57 m. Its mouth measures 1.02 x 0.96 x 1.05 x 1.03 m. Between the western side of the mouth of the mine and the false door, near which it is located, a small water pool is cut out, measuring 0.27 x 0.17 m. At the bottom of the Herenka mine, a recess of 0.3 x 0.36 m was found, below the floor level of the burial chamber. It can be assumed that initially they wanted to make the mine much deeper, but for some reason the carvers stopped here. This could happen if the rock in this place and at the appropriate depth was too hard and did not allow us to move further, or Herenka suddenly died and it was necessary to urgently finish her burial chamber. Anyway, Herenk's burial chamber was on this level. The entrance opening to it with-

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It measures 1.38 x 1.06 m and is 0.73 m deep. All of it (in contrast to the burial chamber of Khafraankh) is located behind the western wall. This type of burial corresponds, according to the classification of J. R. R. Tolkien. Рейснера, типу 4а(53). Dimensions of the burial chamber (2): the western wall is 2.91 m, the southern wall is 2.24 m, and the northern wall is 3.21 m. The eastern wall, which starts immediately from the corner of the passage, is 1.02 m long. Here it turns sharply to the west by 0.7 m and again to the south by 0.58 m. Probably, in the process of working, the carvers almost rested on the northern corner of the Hafraanha mine, which is why they were forced to suspend work in this direction and turn south. At this point, there is currently a gaping hole measuring 0.41 x 0.57 m. All this proves once again that the initial calculations for the structures of the mine and the Herenk chamber significantly diverged from those that were implemented in practice for one reason or another, which is why the architectural tasks had to be corrected and calculated already in the process of hastily completed work. Unlike the burial chamber of Khafraankh, the bench for placing funeral offerings for Herenk was located not along the eastern, but along the entire length of the western wall of the burial chamber. Its dimensions: the height is 0.19 m, the remaining part is 0.37 m wide. In the center of the western wall of the burial chamber there is a hole measuring 1.20 x 1.02 m. The hole filled with debris undoubtedly indicates that there is another burial chamber to the west of this wall and that the hole was formed either as a result of the actions of robbers or in the course of natural destruction of the wall.

The third well (plan, III) belonging to Ishepet is 3.67 m deep and has a mouth of 0.98 x 0.98 x 0.94 x 0.96 m. The burial chamber in relation to the well is located in the same way as the burial chamber of Herenka, to the west. Its dimensions: the western wall is 2.44 m, the eastern wall is 2.2 m, the northern wall is 1.75 m, and the southern wall is 1.69 m. The height at the eastern corner is 1.29 m, at the western corner is 1.31 m. On both sides of the shaft walls, four small depressions are well preserved-steps carved into the rock by the workers who built the tomb. The distance between them is approximately 0.47 m - 0.63 m. A neatly cut rectangular opening connects the western side of the Ishepet burial chamber (plan 3) with the burial chamber (plan 4) of Tomb B (see above for its purpose). The burial of Ishepet should be attributed according to the classification of J. R. R. Tolkien. Reisner to type 4A (H) (54). Type 4 appears in the time of Chephren and has existed for quite a long time, apparently throughout the Ancient Kingdom, especially in the rock tombs of the Eastern Necropolis.


Summing up the objects found during the excavations, which are still to be investigated, we can distinguish the following: during the clearing of tomb B, 542 fragments of ceramics were found, some with decoration and markings, 82 fragments of skeletons. Three pieces of red granite could be the remains of a sarcophagus. The tomb contained objects made of alabaster, as evidenced by its remains. During excavations of the chapel, stone fragments were found with inscriptions that represent a list of offerings. Its original location is unknown.

Special attention should be paid to stones with hieratic signs. On the underside of the five stones that covered the entrance to the burial chamber of Khafraankh, there was one hieratic sign each, painted in red ochre. Four of them have been preserved relatively clearly: are these signs ?n (twice), 'nh and hr. Judging by the palaeography, they could have been written in this way at the end of the V-beginning of the VI dynasty. As a rule, such markings of stones used in various structures contained designations of teams of workers engaged in construction and on the belonging of blocks to a particular structure(55).

In the burial well (see plan, IV) in the north-western corner of tomb B, 27 fragments of pottery, 3 fragments of tibia and parts of the skull were found. Anthropological studies have shown that elderly males were buried in both burials.

(53) Reisner. A History... P. 91. Fig. 41.

(54) Ibid. P. 94. Fig. 41.

(55) The study of such markings on the structures of the Ancient Kingdom (in particular, in the pyramid of Pepi I), as part of the French expedition to Saqqara, led by Professor J. Leclan, is specially engaged in Dr. V. Dobrev; he kindly agreed to conduct special comparative studies of the signs found on the stones.

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In the chapel of Khafraankh, a large fragment of the "drum" with the title of the queen "seer of Hora and Setha", an unfinished panel (0.65 x 0.41 x 0.15 m) with a well-designed sacrificial table and an unfinished figure of a man with traces of an ancient artist's drawing were found. This discovery once again confirms the conclusion that the production of reliefs and statues began from the lower part, the head and face were carved last. They remained unfinished in our composition. Clearing the Hafraanha burial shaft yielded 168 fragments of pottery that have yet to be examined (two reconstructed vessels are of late date), 27 bones, and 17 skull fragments belonging to the re-burial site. Of the 135 pottery fragments found in the burial chamber of Hafraankh, 2 vessels were reconstructed (see below). During the last field season alone, 690 pottery fragments were recovered from the burial chamber - mostly rough bread molds. A sandstone fragment with a length of 0.28 m, width of 0.23 m, thickness of 0.13 m was also found with a hieroglyphic inscription that reads the name of Anubis and his epithets. Flint incisors were found, worked pieces of semi-circular stone that correlated well in size with the holes around the burial shaft of Khafraankh, a copper handle that was very similar in shape to the one that the situls had, worked pieces of oval stone that could be used as tools by builders.

During the clearing of the Herenka burial shaft (plan II), 73 fragments of pottery were found, from which it was possible to reconstruct a vessel for storing grain, as well as stone tools, processed pieces of cylindrical stone, the purpose of which is still unclear, fragments of skulls and bones.

29 fragments of pottery were recovered from the Ishepet burial mine (Plan III), as well as a small plate, which is traditionally found among the tomb ceramics of the Ancient Kingdom. Examination of the bone remains showed that they belong to a man. The inscription on the drum of the false door gives only the name Ishepet. The presence, therefore, of a female burial cannot be confirmed, its only evidence remains an image and an inscription, In the same burial chamber there was a broken small thin-walled polished vessel of dark red-brown color, rounded shape, with a flat bottom (perhaps for wine?), belonging to a much later period. Fragments of two large vessels were found there and in Herenka's burial chamber, which were partially restored. These are amphorae of the early Roman era for storing grain.

Two restored vessels are extremely important for our research - a jug of foreign production for storing oil and a bowl belonging to the type of so-called Medum bowls. The latter were named after the first finds at the pyramid of Snefru in Medum (56). In Giza, they are typical of the funerary equipment of the tombs of rich officials of the Ancient Kingdom (57). They were relatively large (diameter can vary from 20 to 30 cm), but low (height 7-9 cm) bowls with a rounded bottom. Their classic form for the Ancient Kingdom goes back to the prototype of the so-called "brim bowls"(58). Bowls of this beautiful shape were also carved from stone, but the best examples of them are clay. The latter are characterized by well-baked clay, thinness of the walls and a polished surface of red-brick color. All these characteristics correspond to our fragment of the bowl (Fig. 10). It is noteworthy that earlier thickets (and they are known from the III dynasty to the end of the Ancient Kingdom) were formed by hand on a blank, and during the VI dynasty - on a potter's wheel (59). There are also known" intermediate " copies of the Fifth Dynasty in terms of technology - started by hand and completed on a potter's wheel, which was used by Egyptian masters around this time (60). Similar bowls were used for drinking or eating (the latter is more likely - after all, the diameter is quite significant). This is precisely what P. Balle sees as their purpose(61). According to J. Burriot (62), the Medum bowls were used not only for quality purposes.-

(56) Petrie. Medum. PI. XXXI, 4-7.

(57) Junker Н. Giza. Bd. I. Abb. 12, N 7-16; Petrie W.M.Fl. Gizeh and Rifeh. L., 1907. PI. VII f.

(58) Meisterwerke altagyptische Keramik. 5000 Jahre Kunst und Kunsthandwerk aus Ton und Fayence. Hoehr-Grenzhausen, 1978. S. 123. N 146.

(59) Arnold D., BourriuuJ. An Introduction to Ancient Egyptian Pottery. Mainz am Rhein, 1993. S. 21-23.

(60) Ibid. P. 24-25, 43.

(61) Bullet P. Essai de classification des coupes type Maidum-bowl // Cahiers de la ceramique. Le Caire, 1987. Vol. 1. P. 7.

(62) Bourriau J. Umm el-Ga'ab. Pottery from the Nile Valley before the Arab Conquest. Cambr., 1981. P. 52-53.

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Fig. 10. Medum bowl

They are also used as vases for flowers. Their shape is perfect for the short-cropped lotuses that have always graced the tables of rich Egyptians.

According to the preliminary conclusion of S. Marchand, the shape of the bowl found by us can be dated to the time of the IV dynasty.

The vessel, almost completely restored from 52 fragments, deserves special attention. 11 a, b) is 43 cm high with a flat bottom; two rounded vertical handles are very harmoniously located just above the middle of the body. The neck is crowned with a strongly protruding round rim. The body is decorated with a spectacular dented ornament: the lower part (about one-third) is often horizontal lines, and the upper two-thirds are more complex: slightly oblique vertical lines run across the horizontal ones, forming a fine-meshed chess pattern. Of course, such an ornament has as its prototype the prints of a wicker basket on raw clay: this is how large vessels were made before the invention of the potter's wheel. The thickness of the vessel walls increased towards the bottom, which made it more stable. Clay of good quality and firing. Similar ceramics from Megiddo are called "metal" - they ring when struck. The color of the vessel is light brown, on the chip-gray with the smallest white flecks. Angob, noted by all researchers as a characteristic feature of such amphorae, made their walls waterproof. In the middle of one of the sides in the upper part of the vessel there is a potter's mark: an irregular rectangle with rounded corners.

Such amphorae are typical of the tombs of Giza. Almost all of them (about 50 in total) were found in the necropolis of the Ancient Kingdom near the Great Pyramids. The only exceptions are 3 amphorae: from Saqqara, Matmar and Edfu. The first such find in Giza was described by J. R. R. Tolkien. Reisner in 1915 (63): an amphora was found in tomb G 4630 in the southern part of the necropolis. According to a chemical analysis conducted at the time by G. Pollard of the Egyptian Antiquities Service, the amphora is not made of Nile clay. This was the only known analysis of the comp-

(63) Reisner G.A. Accessions to the Egyptian Department during 1914 // Bulletin of the Museum of fine Arts. V. XIII. N 76. P. 36. Fig. 15.

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11a-6. The "Palestinian" vessel. On the a - side is the manufacturer's label

However, it was carried out at the beginning of the century, and now its results are not enough for a categorical conclusion about their foreign origin[64]. J. Reisner pointed out the similarity of the pattern of the Gizeh amphora with the decor of the Abydos jug of the First dynasty from the excavations of Fl. Petrie(65). The English archaeologist associated this jug with the Aegis area, as it was found together with painted ceramics of Mediterranean origin. J. Reisner, based on the pattern, suggested a much more suitable homeland for the Gizeh amphorae - Syria or Palestine. Then the problem of the origin of amphorae was considered with German thoroughness by G. Junker, who also found several similar specimens at Giza and expressed just doubts about their foreign origin [66]. In addition to the chemical composition of the clay itself, the contents of the vessels may be crucial for determining the place of origin of the vessels. Still in the same little note of 1915. Reisner rightly pointed out that there was no "incentive"to import such amphorae into the Nile Valley, where there was already an abundance of good jars for the same purpose. Consequently, they may have been imported, like the Rhodes amphorae, simply as containers with some valuable foreign product. Reisner suggests that it could have been oil. The probability of storing precious aromatic oil in such vessels, the smell of which could evaporate, is confirmed by the same vessel found by G. Brighton in

(64) Interesting information is provided by the recent discovery of a vessel at Tell Ibrahim Awadh: this is a red polished vessel made on a circle with a pattern of "crossing lines", with a flat bottom and a high throat. The publication indicates that its shape is foreign, but the manufacture is definitely Egyptian: according to the analysis, the material was Nile clay I A. see Haarlem W. M. A Tomb of the First Dynastie at Tell Abraham Awad / / OMRO. 1996. N 76. P. 1, PI. 20, 4.

(65) Petrie W.M.Ft. Abydos. L? 1902, P. I. PI. VIII.

(66) Junker. Giza. Bd I. S. 119-126. Taf. XLIII.

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tomb of the IV-V dynasties in Matmar. The throat of the vessel was carefully sealed and covered from above with a piece of skin (67).

The next important step in the study of Giza amphorae was the appendix to the History of the Giza Necropolis, compiled by W. S. Smith after the death of J. P. Morgan. In addition to the general characteristics of the clay of these vessels, new data were given on the use of a similar pattern in Bybla, Megiddo, Ras Shamra and Hama. However, this similarity cannot be considered absolute: the vessels from Byblos, for example, are much smaller in size (8-14 cm high, while the Gizeh vessels are 23-43 cm!). Amphorae from Lachish and Ras Shamra have no handles. In general, the vessels found in Egypt are more similar than those found in the Eastern Mediterranean.

Probably the most serious evidence of the foreign origin of the Gizeh vessels are the marks of potters scratched on them, similar to those known from the ceramics of Lachish. It has not yet been possible to find an analog of the label on the vessel of Khafraankh, but it is quite consistent with the published ones. On one of the Gizeh vessels there is an impression of a seal rolled on still soft clay over the pattern: three animals with long ears and tails (possibly donkeys) moving to the right. Such reversals are found on the ceramics of Byblos, Hama, Megiddo, and Jericho(68). On another vessel is a small image made of clay - the head of a ram. The Reisner-Smith appendix contains a valuable catalog of 50 amphorae found at Giza by that time. 17 of them date from the Khufu-Khafra period, 18 from Khafra-Neferirkar, 5 from Neferirkar-Unis, and finally 10 from the VI Dynasty. If the dates are correct, the number of vessels found decreases by the end of the Ancient Kingdom.

One of the last works devoted specifically to amphorae with a pattern is S. Mazzoni's article of 1986(69). It dates the appearance of these ceramics in coastal Palestine (for the first time in the Amuk area) to the Early Bronze Age II period and especially emphasizes the role of Byblos as a trading port through which these vessels were sent to Egypt. It was in Bybla that three marks in the form of a ram's head were found on the fragments of ceramics, and it was there that this pottery was used for the longest time.

Thus, during almost 100 years of studying Gizeh amphorae with a pattern, similar vessels have been found in the Eastern Mediterranean, but nowhere - except in the Nile Valley - is there any noticeable number of them (however, they may simply not be published). It seems that they were made specifically for the export of precious oil to Egypt and therefore have a similar shape and pattern, apparently especially loved by rich Egyptian customers.


The chapel of the tomb we found in (Fig. 12) has two burial chambers. The entrance to one of them (plan 4) begins at a distance of 1.18 m to the north of the entrance to the "Tomb of Numbers". It is an inclined descent (Slope), its length on the north side is 3.7 m, on the south side is 2.48 m. The width of the ramp is 1.31 m, the length of the inclined part of the descent is 2.44 m. Then the ramp breaks off vertically (at this point its width decreases to 1.26 m) to a depth of 1.12 m-to the level of the passage to the burial chamber. This design and the dimensions of the passage to the burial chamber (2.83 x 1.26 m) leave no doubt that the ramp was built for the descent of a massive sarcophagus. The narrow horizontal edge (0.2 m) at the eastern wall along its entire width was sufficient to allow people to stand here when lowering the sarcophagus. Two holes in the east wall of the unfinished chapel were designed to fix the rope supporting the sarcophagus. The floor level of the chapel is different, and it is 0.47 m higher on the north side of the ramp. The depth of descent on its northern side is 3.23 m, respectively, on the southern side - 2.83 m. The size of the passage to the burial chamber (plan 4) is 1.37 x 1.66 m. At the entrance to the burial chamber there is a step with a height of 0.32 m.

The burial chamber (plan 4) is rectangular in shape and has the following dimensions: north wall-2.74 m, west wall-3.78 m, east wall-3.18 m, south wall-

(67) The Matmar amphora is more oblong in shape than ours and has a wider throat. Kept in the British Museum. Brunton G. Matmar. L., 1948. PI. XXXVII, 2.

(68) Frankfort Н. Cylinder Seals. L., 1939. P. 230 ff.

(69) Mazzoni S. The Diffusion of the Palestinian Combed Ware. Studies in the History and Archaeology of Palestine // Proceedings of the First International Symposium on Palestine Antiquities. Aleppo, 1986. V. II. P. 145-157.

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Figure 12. Tomb B

2.68 m. The ceiling height ranges from 2.10 to 2.24 m. In the eastern wall of the burial chamber, bordering the western wall of the Ishepet burial chamber, there is a neatly cut hole of 0.98 x 0.96 m. Most likely, by the time this burial chamber was built, Ishepet's tomb had already been looted. Perhaps, after closing the burial chamber in tomb B, the builders went out through the hole they cut into the burial chamber of Ishepet, and then to the surface through a well leading there.

In the north-western part of tomb B, another burial shaft was carved (plan IV). Its mouth measures 1.06 x 1.07 x 1.07 x 1.10 m, and its depth is 2.44 m. Initially, the shaft apparently had a border intended for fixing the lid, approximately 0.27 m wide. Its tracks are quite clearly visible. The burial chamber (plan 5), to which this shaft leads, is located on its eastern side. This orientation of the burial chambers is atypical. The entrance to the burial chamber reaches a height of 1.04 m and a width of 1.13 m. Its dimensions: the length of the western wall is 1.93 m, the northern wall is 1.07 m, the eastern wall is 2.01 m, and the southern wall is 1.01 m. The ceiling height ranges from 0.76 to 1.01 m. The doorway has a height of 1.07 m on the north side, 0.96 m on the south side, and a width of 1.03 m.

Chapel B remained unfinished: carvers may have intended to carve statues in its north-eastern corner, but this work was not completed at the time of burial. It is possible that the new owners of the tomb used the chapel of Hafraanha as a chapel, although the absence of new names in it looks very strange in this case.


One of the main problems that we constantly have to deal with is dating. It should be noted that the monuments of the late Ancient Kingdom in general are still poorly studied, and the problem of dating the tombs of officials in Giza remains the main one when studying the necropolis. However, the abundance of" related " burials in Giza provides quite real opportunities for solving this problem [70]. It should not be forgotten that the rock tombs of Giza (the oldest, according to J. R. R. Tolkien) are located in the city of Giza. Reisner's tombs of this type in Egypt) were never studied as a completely specific type of burial, but were considered only as a kind of mastaba tomb. Meanwhile, it is quite possible that many not always explicable features in their organization are the result of this "specificity". The following criteria can be selected for further analysis::

1. Iconographic: clothing, jewelry and wigs of the depicted characters, the shape and decor of the chairs on which they sit, the features of sacrificial tables and offerings to the dead, the shape of the scepter and staffs.

(70) Bolshakov. System analysis ... pp. 121-122.

page 179

2. Epigraphic: the form and method of writing phrases and signs.

3. Architectural: orientation of burial chambers, features of shafts, structure of the tomb and its ground and underground rooms.

4. Location of the tomb in the Giza necropolis.

When evaluating iconographic dating criteria, we follow the principles developed by N. Sherpion (71), taking into account the corrections and additions made by M. Bode(72), which allow us to trace the first appearance of certain types of images and thus obtain a terminus post quern for dating assumptions. The conclusions proposed here are preliminary, since the final word can be said only after a detailed review of the entire comparative material.

Among the iconographic criteria that can be clearly traced from the available material, the following should be distinguished.

A. The shape of the chair on which the deceased sit: decoration in the form of papyrus, a seat with a pillow, and legs in the form of " hoofed feet "(rather than lion's paws) are found in tombs of the IV-V dynasties up to Niusserre(73).

B. The shape of the sacrificial table placed in front of the dead depicted on the panels of false doors corresponds to those found in tombs of the Fifth Dynasty and even under Pepi I (74).

B. Image and character of the offerings on the sacrificial table placed in front of the figures of Khafraankh and Herenk on the south wall. This type can be traced from Chephren to Niusserre(75).

D. Images of loaves on sacrificial tables are found in the tomb of Khafraankh on the panels of two false doors - Kherenka and Ishepet. The loaves are of the same shape, Herenka has 8 pieces, Ishepet has 6. According to the classification of M. Barta, based on the size of the loaves on the sacrificial table in relation to the figure of the deceased, the images on the panels correspond to type II. Such images are attested up to the reign of Neferkar. At the same time, the combination of different types of bread (which is typical for type III), which is also noted in the reliefs of Khafraankh, may date back to the second half of the V dynasty (perhaps more precisely, the time of Niuserra).(76).

D. Stylistic features of the scribe's figure, which are noted in Niuserra(77).

E. The shape of the staff is mdw (characteristic of the time after Djedefr) and the scepter is shm (time of Neferkar and Niusserre)(78).

J. Elements of women's costume correspond to images on monuments of the Fifth Dynasty (79).

Z. The type of female wig is found in reliefs from Teti to the sixth Dynasty; male wigs probably correspond to the fashion established during the Fifth Dynasty, although the criteria here are rather vague [80].

It should be noted that the images on the panel of the false door of Ishepet are different from the other images in the tomb. Ishepet is the only lady wearing a "closed" dress, the rest of the women are dressed in dresses with wide straps that leave their breasts exposed. Herimeru is the only man in the tomb wearing a short wig, but not wearing a leopard skin. His wig also differs from similar wigs of Khafraankh and Iteti: it protrudes noticeably above the forehead. The same wig is "worn" by Iteti in the images already in his tomb.

In addition to the probable criteria noted above for dating the tomb of Khafraankh,

(71) Cherpion N. Mastabas et Hypogees d'ancien Empire. Probleme de la datation. Bruxelles, 1989.

(72) Baud М. A propos des criteres iconographiques etablis par Nadine Cherpion // Les criteres de datation stylistiques a 1'Ancient Empire. Le Caire, 1998. P. 31-95.

(73) Cherpion. Op. cit. P. 27-29. Fig. 3.

(74) Ibid. P. 46-47. Fig. 32, g.

(75) Ibid. P. 49-50. fig. 34a; according to M. Bode, it is also found later: Baud. Op. cit. P. 82-83.

(76) Barta М. Archaeology and Iconography: bd and '?prt Bread Moulds and "Speisetischszene" Development in the Old Kingdom // SAK. 1995. 22. P. 27-28.

(77) Cherpion. Op. cit. P. 77-78. Fig. 71.

(78) Ibid. P. 65-66. Fig. 58, 60.

(79) Ibid. P. 192-194; Baud. Op. cit. P. 62-65.

(80) Cherpion. Op. cit. P. 57-78. Fig. 47, 55-56, 60-61.

page 180

the entire repertoire of scenes in it can be studied in the light of the system analysis proposed by A. O. Bolshakov (81). Thus, on the eastern wall, as in other tombs dating from the second half of the Fifth Dynasty proposed by A. O. Bolshakov, there are images of field work, fishing and fowling, images of scribes at work, as well as a rare image of reading the list of victims(82), which is most likely placed here at the end of the Fifth Dynasty(83).

Epigraphic criteria, as we have already noted, also support the dating of the tomb to the second half or end of the Fifth Dynasty.

Analysis of some architectural features of the tomb also suggests that it belongs to the V Dynasty or even later. As noted by J. R. R. Tolkien. Originally, the mouths of the burial shafts at Giza were 2 x 2 m in size. During the Fifth Dynasty, they begin to narrow, reaching the size of 1 x 1 m, which corresponds to the size of the mouths of the shafts of the tomb of Khafraankh(84), while at the same time the thoroughness of processing the walls decreases. At the end of the V - beginning of the VI dynasty, the depth of the mines decreases sharply (as we see in the example of three mines). This is observed even in the tombs of very noble persons (85). Only since the end of the IV dynasty do tombs with several shafts appear in Giza. The burial chambers in such tombs are located in different places, where it is convenient (in the north, in the south, etc.), but the main burial - the owner - is usually located to the south of the shaft(86), which we found in the tomb of Khafraankh.

According to preliminary studies of the shape and size of the incisor footprints, it is assumed that the new tomb was dated no earlier than the New Kingdom. We hope for the results of chemical analysis of the particles of the finds, the binder and the study of ceramics, which is only just beginning, but which will allow us to clarify the dating.

The location of the rock tombs on the very edge of the Eastern Necropolis of Giza indicates that the places closer to the pyramids were already occupied by that time, and the subjects of the next dynasty had to find a place for burial at a considerable distance from the lords, whose memorial services they were obliged to provide. The very appearance of a group of rock tombs may be explained by the filling of the plateau with mastabas and the approach of the necropolis border directly to the cliff. The shaft found by us (plan, 0), adjacent to the external eastern wall of tomb B, suggests that the compositional necropolis was planned by ledges. Calculations, archival materials, and our observations on the ground, as well as a comparison with a group of rock tombs located to the south of our zone, suggested that the next "street" of the rock necropolis should be located above the territory we excavated. The archaeological survey carried out during the 1999 season not only confirmed all these assumptions, but also found new burials and a new chapel near the tomb of Khafraankh (to the north and east of it). We hope to discuss all this in detail in the future (87).

(81) Bolshakov. System analysis... p. 114.

(82) On this point, see also P. Manuelyan's article: Manuelian P. der. Presenting the Scroll: Papyrus Documents in Tomb Scenes of the Old Kingdom // Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson. V. 2. Boston, 1996. P. 570. Fig 2; P. 578. Fig. 9.

(83) Bolshakov. System analysis... p. 113.

(84) Reisner. Opi cit. P. 101-102.

(85) Ibid. P. 102.

(86) Ibid. P. 87.

(87) The authors of the article and all the participants of the expedition express their deep gratitude to the Moscow Interbank Currency Exchange, which has been the sole sponsor of this project for three years, and first of all. To Alexander Zakharov, General Director of the MICEX, and Nikolai Surikov, Business Manager.

page 181


E.Ye. Kormysheva, O.V. Tomashevich, М.A. Chegodayev

The article publishes preliminary results of Russian Archaeological Expedition of the Institute of Oriental Studies with a participation of Moscow State University (the Faculty of History). The expedition spent there three field seasons (1996-1998) exploring the rock-cut tomb of the Head Priest of Khafre's pyramid Khafreankh (G 7948).

The first season (1996) discovered new room adjacent to the northern part of Khafreankh's chapel (see the Scheme, A). Further excavations of the room (B) showed that there was a new grave here, cut in the rock later, which caused the distruction of the nothem wall of the old chapel. During the season of 1998 topographical explorations discovered one more burial (0) representing a shaft adjacent to the outer (eastern) wall of Khafreankh's tomb. Preliminary study and analysis of the ceramic objects found there showed that the burial is to be dated back to the Old Kingdom.

Giza rock-cut tombs have never been considered as a specific type, but rather as a variant kind of mastaba. However, many peculiarities of their structure, not always explicable, are due to this specificity.

The analysis of the tomb was conducted under several criteria; (1) iconographical, (2) epigraphical, (3) architectural and (4) the situation in the cemetery. All of these gave basis for dating Khafreankh's burial to late Vth - early VIth dynasty. Its situation at the edge of the eastern cemetery of Giza witnesses that the place closer to the Pyramids had by that time been occupied and subjects of the next dynasty had to look for burial place further from the Lords whose worship they had to provide for.

The very fact of springing up of a group of rock-cut tombs can be explained by the plateau being occupied with mastabas and the border of the cemetery coming close to the precipice.


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